Sentences with phrase «of modern liberal»

It works and we all know it works, but people don't admire it... It is the soul of modern liberal democracy and it remains unsung in praise».

It is a saying long since become trite but still true of the thought of modern liberal students of the Bible, that the Bible is not in its entirety the word of God, but that the Bible does contain the word of God.

This trajectory suggests that the Balmesian tradition is largely correct to see the development of modern liberal culture as an integral set of often anti-religious social structures, and to see this culture as closely linked to the dynamics of Christian division.

For the burning question for Hauerwas is now clearly this one: How can the Christian church live with integrity and in faithful witness to the God revealed to it in the history of Israel and the life, death and resurrection of Jesus in the midst of modern liberal society where narcissism and nationalism threaten its very existence?

Frei gave most of his attention to the varieties of liberalism, but his verdict applied equally to most forms of modern liberal and conservative theology.

This type of interpretation starts with Schleiermacher, the father of modern liberal theology, in the early part of the nineteenth century.

«One of the effects of modern liberal Protestantism has been gradually to turn religion into poetry and therapy, to make truth vaguer and vaguer and more and more relative, to banish intellectual distinctions, to depend on feeling instead of thought, and gradually to come to believe that God has no power, that he can not communicate with us, can not reveal himself to us, indeed has not done so and that religion is our own sweet invention» (p. 479).

It's certainly more in line with a lot of modern liberal thought than modern conservative thought.

The world's ambiguity is a central theme of modern liberal consciousness, and the openness and tolerance required to confront it are central liberal values.

Castro was not a «progressive» and Mao did not represent the Leftist turn of the modern liberal movement.

In my view, no thinker better highlights the necessity or dignity of intermediary associations (a conservative theme par excellence) nor provides a deeper account of the dependence of modern liberal democracy upon the «moral capital» of premodern times.

Brian C. Anderson has it right that capitalism is part of our moral problem but, like Francis Fukuyama, follows up a discouraging diagnosis of modern liberal democracy with an optimistic remedy for its potentially fatal diseases.

Perhaps Mr. Anderson should consider drawing upon the moral and political wellsprings of modern liberal democracy itself.

* It's telling of the modern Liberals» more leftward tilt that Trudeau refers to the anti-pipeline side, rather than the pro- side, as his friends.

For one thing, what we call «libertarianism» in USA today was originally called «classical liberalism» - and AFAIK is still called that in Europe (don't tell any of the modern liberals in America who get allergic reaction from a mention of Mises or Ayn Rand:) If you mean «modern...

Not exact matches

It's incorrect but the charge results from how modern liberals tend to favour government intervention on poverty issues while conservatives focus more on opportunity; the latter just do a lousy job of connecting the dots for the public.

Restorative punishment, much like other practices of reconciliation, retrieves the distinctive logic of a religious tradition and brings it to bear upon modern liberal democracy.

I'm genuinely curious to know of surveys saying that young people are leaving liberal denominations because they aren't interested in social justice, the findings of modern science, and creating a welcoming environment for LGBT people.

A theory of constitutional law that may be out of fashion in today's legal academy, but that fits comfortably within the modern conservative and the traditional liberal views of the courts, begins with certain basic premises: the existence of law and the possibility of meaningful rules of law.

Modern Family and the Simpsons are the child of liberal ideology.

But there is perhaps a use we might make of the postmodern in apologetics, for the collapse of modernity may allow believers to speak once again about God without defensiveness or self - consciousness, may allow believers both to escape political categorization as liberal or conservative and to escape the modern view that sees political categories as fundamental.

In refusing to impose the details of justice from afar the liberal political cultures would not be abandoning principles, for «self - determination» in the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracy.

Our preaching and theology has been one ceaseless effort to conform to the canons of intelligibility produced by the economic and intellectual formations characteristic of modern and liberal societies.

I do find it puzzling, however, to watch theologians, both conservative and liberal, come to the defense of the human, the rational, objectivity, the «text,» «moral values,» science, and all the other conceits the modern university cherishes in the name of «humanism.»

For Gilkey, the «neo» of his orthodoxy is precisely where he remained most liberal» not just his penchant for talking about biblical symbols and myths but also his conviction that the problem of historical consciousness is the context for all modern theology.

To the extent that full - blooded socialism is returning to compete with liberal democracy for the allegiance of modern persons, it does so in populist garb — and in the future, its....

Dalahäst So, like I said, you are actually a product of our modern, more liberal, egalitarian society, but you are insisting on giving credit for this to «Christianity», as if Christianity has always lined up with your beliefs.

The liberal churches need their own particular language of faith to communicate with the cultured despisers of the modern world, in a manner that lays claim upon the self and the community.»

In any case, an equation of private with preferential was historically effected by the alliance between liberal thought and modern economics.

The target is, rather, those forms of broader modern liberalism which have produced certain ways of thinking about faith and the church which can be found in both conservative and in so - called «liberal» churches.

In his previous, more historical studies, Walsh explored overlooked sources, often outside the liberal canon, that made the value of personal experience central to modern political thought.

This is a sort of religiosity that it is difficult for modern, secular people to understand and appreciate; she goes against the grain not only of the more obvious kind of rationalistic secularism embodied in Rayber but against all of the best in liberal Christianity, whether Catholic or Protestant.

From the beginning, we have believed that the Spirit given on the day of Pentecost causes both «sons and daughters to prophesy»... We had no connections to liberal social movements, but were demonstrating racial equality in pockets all around the world years before the modern civil rights movement.

The judge could find no support for the position of Ms Ladele in a «modern liberal democracy».

As that quote suggests, Caldecott was profoundly critical of much in the modern world, but he was far more interested in the Christian cure than in describing the history and extent of the liberal - Enlightenment disease.

Would those thus indoctrinated by the hate speech of liberal hypocrisy (which modern societies seem to embrace so readily) treat the Christians with love and kindness or with fear and intimidation?

Conservatives (who are often early modern liberals in outlook and temperament) sometimes look fondly at the purifying effects of «severe struggle,» substituting economic for natural battle.

In agreement with most nonteleological expressions in the liberal political tradition, this theory affirms that rights articulate a universal or natural moral law; but, against the persisting weight of the modern natural law tradition, the universal right to general emancipation is not bound to the assertion that human rights are independent of any inclusive good.

Assuming these traits are fundamental to the American political mind, most political theorists see this as reflecting the classical liberal mind — distinct from the «modern liberal» view which accepts the legitimacy of the welfare state — not a conservative mind.

OR, maybe some, even just a few, will start to recognize that Progressives / Liberals are more in line w / the teachings of Jesus Christ as found in the Four Gospels & that their Religous / Political leaders are Modern Day Pharisees.

«Scattered throughout these essays are self - affixed labels such as «we anti-representationists,» «we Western liberal intellectuals,» «we partisans of solidarity,» «we pragmatists,» «we new fuzzies,» «us shepherds of Being,» «we enlightened post-Kuhnians,» «we anti-essentialists,» «we moderns,» «we humans,» «we bourgeois liberals,» «we Deweyans,» «we pragmatic Wittgensteinean therapists.»

The bewildering proliferation of theologies in the last quarter of the 20th century contrasts sharply with the blends of liberal, existential and neo-orthodox theologies outlined by H. R. Mackintosh in his Types of Modern Theology in the second quarter of this century.

This is a far cry from liberal theology's effort to adapt Christianity to the modern world and make sense of culture on terms relevant to a rather confident secular and scientific age.

That the meager theological fare of liberal Protestantism was still enough to prompt people like himself to gather regularly just to say thank you to God was perverse evidence for Updike that the modern world still left room for miracles.

Well Rick, then I guess that, just as with modern people of African descent, liberals are way more genetically diverse than everyone else.

But Altizer may well be right in his comment that process theologians are «clearly related to the social world of modern American liberal Protestantism» (TA 199).

Rorty calls us «the liberal Rawlsian searchers for consensus» and «the community of the liberal intellectuals of the secular modern West» (CIS 12).

A similar fate has overtaken modern liberal philosophical and theological schemas, (such as those of Hegel, Schleiermacher, Troeltsch and Rahner) on the relationship of Christianity to the other religions.

One of the things about Japan that matters, I'd say, is how we see liberal democracy working itself out in a decidedly non-Western, yet otherwise very modern, nation.

Under modern conditions, with changes occurring so rapidly that most specific occupational preparation becomes quickly out of date, it even appears that a fundamental liberal education is the best vocational education, for it develops the powers of imagination needed to meet new situations and the understanding of interrelationships required by life in an increasingly interdependent civilization.