Sentences with phrase «of modern liberal democracy»

It works and we all know it works, but people don't admire it... It is the soul of modern liberal democracy and it remains unsung in praise».

In my view, no thinker better highlights the necessity or dignity of intermediary associations (a conservative theme par excellence) nor provides a deeper account of the dependence of modern liberal democracy upon the «moral capital» of premodern times.

Brian C. Anderson has it right that capitalism is part of our moral problem but, like Francis Fukuyama, follows up a discouraging diagnosis of modern liberal democracy with an optimistic remedy for its potentially fatal diseases.

Perhaps Mr. Anderson should consider drawing upon the moral and political wellsprings of modern liberal democracy itself.

Not exact matches

Restorative punishment, much like other practices of reconciliation, retrieves the distinctive logic of a religious tradition and brings it to bear upon modern liberal democracy.

In refusing to impose the details of justice from afar the liberal political cultures would not be abandoning principles, for «self - determination» in the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracy.

To the extent that full - blooded socialism is returning to compete with liberal democracy for the allegiance of modern persons, it does so in populist garb — and in the future, its....

The judge could find no support for the position of Ms Ladele in a «modern liberal democracy».

One of the things about Japan that matters, I'd say, is how we see liberal democracy working itself out in a decidedly non-Western, yet otherwise very modern, nation.

But Ober is more interested in confronting modern liberal and post-liberal «democracy» with the genuine ancient ideal, the Athenian «people power» of the fifth and fourth centuries b.c., on which he has had so many original and persuasive things to say since publishing Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens in 1989.

We are currently experiencing a (prolonged) moment of liberal angst, and we desperately need to find ways to recuperate «normal» — representative, parliamentary, indirect — modern democracy.

Peter learned two things from the dissidents: the notion of «living in the truth»; and the disconcerting thought that Communism and Western liberal democracy had things in common, modern science to begin with, that challenged human freedom and dignity.

It is important not to ascribe every positive aspect of modern history to the advent of liberal democracy, simply because one followed the other.

The form of argument in this presentation has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument, as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional democracy, is exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the East Asian region - local values do not provide a justification for harsh authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human agency it, therefore, makes little sense to take an entry test for constitutional democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without adequate liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance, especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in particular.

Perhaps fascism represents a permanent temptation of modern politics, the seduction to leave behind the ambiguities and trade «offs of prosaic liberal democracy for a true (and truly destructive) «politics of meaning.»

He added: «I am confident the powers we need, whether it is on communications data or the content of communications, I am very comfortable they are absolutely right for a modern liberal democracy.»

1, No. 2 (Summer 1961), pp. 12 — 18; Ralph Raico, The Place of Religion in the Liberal Philosophy of Constant, Tocqueville, and Lord Acton (Auburn, AL: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 1970), p. 67; and Raul A. Rahe, Soft Despotism, Democracy's Drift: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Tocqueville, & the Modern Prospect (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), pp. 143 — 280.