«The most important principle of the Bloomberg speech is where he [Cameron] says... the root
of our national democracy is our national parliament, but it is the essence of that democracy, which is when it is decided by parliament we shall give people the right to make the decision, which is the ultimate test of the trust in the electorate.»
Policy: The theft
of national democracy by the EU under the Lisbon treaty will be put to a referendum as soon as possible.
That is why environmental ideology is reproduced, not as much at the level
of national democracy — which, remember, «stands at the national border, suitcase in hand, without a passport» — as it is in the supranational political institution: the UN, for instance.
The cross-party consensus on climate has allowed its parties to establish political power and technocracies above the institutions
of national democracy, and excused themselves from having to debate it.
Not exact matches
Among the language in the promotion was a line reading: «Unfortunately, some members
of the
national media are using their platforms to push their own personal bias and agenda to control «exactly what people think»... This is extremely dangerous to our
democracy.»
The panel features former Department
of Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff and former
National Security Agency Director Michael McConnell to debate with Nuala O'Conner, CEO for the Center for
Democracy and Technology, and Trevor Hughes, president and CEO
of the International Association
of Privacy Professionals.
The indictment
of 13 Russian
nationals for meddling in the 2016 U.S. election has reignited the debate on whether Facebook and other social - media giants are a threat to
democracy.
Last month a report by the US Senate — entitled Putin's Asymmetric Assault on
Democracy in Russia and Europe: Implications for US
National Security — also criticized the adequacy
of the investigations conducted thus far by Facebook and Twitter into allegations
of Russian social media interference vis - a-vis Brexit.
He is co-chair
of the campaign on Corporate Globalization and Positive Alternatives for the Alliance for
Democracy, a
national non-partisan group working to end corporate domination over government and policy.
They thus are more in the character
of medieval debts to Europe's kings and princes than
national debts to which the people are committed to repay under the rules
of parliamentary
democracy.
Reciting the imperfections
of democracy does not lead ineluctably to the conclusion that the least accountable branch
of the federal government is the better forum for our
national debate about public values.
Opponents
of CETA fear that those special rights undermine
democracy because they weaken the power
of local and
national governments.
Then there is the way in which Americans determine their own
national interest» from manifest destiny, to Woodrow Wilson's crusade for
democracy, to the delegitimation
of America's war in Vietnam, to the debate over just war and the Gulf War.
They represented on a
national scale the concept
of a town - meeting
democracy.
Forty - five leading pro-life advocates, including Gary Bauer
of the Family Research Council, James Dobson
of Focus on the Family, Clarke Forsythe
of Americans United for Life, Wanda Franz
of the
National Right to Life Committee, and Ralph Reed
of the Christian Coalition, signed a much heralded joint «Statement
of Pro-Life Principle and Concern» published in First Things in 1996 in which the primary legal complaint was made that Roe «wounded American
democracy» by removing the issue
of abortion from «democratic concern.»
Because we are a
democracy, we will tolerate a large measure
of dissent from our
national purpose in this war» some
of it honorable, much
of it contemptible.
In Costa Rica, long a beacon
of democracy in Latin America, there is now a remilitarizing
of society generally, symbolized by the U.S. military exercises taking place in Costa Rica's
national parks, in spite
of objections by the Costa Rican government.
Jesus would do the following (in the U.S.A.): medicare for all, legalize all drugs, legalize gay marriage, destroy the wall between the U.S.A. and Mexico and consequently give the U.S. border patrol agents something useful and productive to do, end U.S. military aggression around the world, direct election
of U.S. presidents, the
national initiative for
democracy, urge Christians to be more productive on Sundays instead
of seeing who can wear the nicest clothes to church.
The journal is a quarterly published by the
National Endowment for
Democracy (1101 15th St NW, Suite 200, Washington, D.C 20005) and should be
of great interest to people trying to understand political and cultural changes in today's world.
But even so, PAN («
National Action Party») gets at most 14 percent
of regional votes, and its token seats in the legislature serve more to prove the ruling party operates a
democracy.
Vice president for research and studies at the
National Endowment for
Democracy (NED) Marc F. Plattner represents an organization whose definition of democracy is much more stringent in its demands with criteria of democratic inclusivity (as shown in a short essay by its funding officer, Louisa Greve, cite
Democracy (NED) Marc F. Plattner represents an organization whose definition
of democracy is much more stringent in its demands with criteria of democratic inclusivity (as shown in a short essay by its funding officer, Louisa Greve, cite
democracy is much more stringent in its demands with criteria
of democratic inclusivity (as shown in a short essay by its funding officer, Louisa Greve, cited below).
Pertinent to this discussion is a recent publication
of Democracy As Culture: Deweyan Pragmaticism in a Globalized World, edited by Sor - Hoon Tan and John Whalen - Bridge, both on the faculty
of the
National University
of Singapore with a dozen articles by different authors on Dewey and Confucianism.
Global governance then took a Copernican turn, away from the paradigms
of western modernity (such as
national sovereignty and interest, the primacy
of reason, growth, progress, representative
democracy, the authority
of government, western universal values, hierarchies), towards a new postmodern ethic.
If we do not limit
democracy to only the official election
of leaders on the
national level and as the main criterion, then we can accept the fact that
democracy can have many different forms.
His yardstick for measuring
democracy, however, is primarily one
of national election, Western - style, while China «remains one
of the very few countries in the world today that does not even pretend to choose its leaders by popular election» (p. xi).
• «The
National Council
of Churches» (NCC) devotion to its decades - long tradition
of pandering to dictators while condemning
democracies has been faithful and predictable.
But the traditionalist view again lost the day, with the result that the new religious orientation included the separation
of church and state (Jefferson and Madison), a democratic faith in the common person (Jacksonian
democracy), and acceptance
of a new romanticism which brought about a flourishing
of the first truly
national literature, art, and architecture.
They have pointed to the role
of Protestantism, Pietism, and even
of Catholicism in fostering the sense
of national destiny, in giving religious sanction to the imperialist programs
of kings and
democracies, in justifying nationalist wars and in blessing armies bound on conquest.
The instrumentalism in matters
of religion which characterizes communism and
national socialism differs from the instrumentalism
of the resistance movements and
democracy; but in both instances we are dealing with a utilitarian use
of religion in the service
of non-religious ends.
Thus both
democracy and Marxism have incorporated elements
of national tradition, and both have tried to appreciate and encourage the nationalistic loyalties
of the peoples they have been trying to win.
More generally, the goals are: to reconquer space lost by
democracy to the sphere
of finance, to oppose any new abandonment
of national sovereignty on the pretext
of the «rights»
of investors and merchants, to create a democratic space at the global level.
According to Samuel Huntington
of Harvard University (writing in The
National Interest), there have been three discernible «waves»
of democracy in world history.
Wilsonian morality which equated peace and a good international society with
democracy and
national self - determination was rather too simple to meet the harsh necessities, for example,
of a viable economy in Central Europe.
Why do not the Institute on Religion and
Democracy and the
National Association
of Evangelicals condemn human - rights violations in El Salvador, Guatemala and Chile as vigorously and frequently as they do human - rights violations in Nicaragua?
• Third, the
National Endowment for
Democracy (NED) plays an increasingly important role within U.S. LIC strategy.8 The NED was formed at the behest of President Reagan in 1983 in order to help develop the «infrastructure of democrac
Democracy (NED) plays an increasingly important role within U.S. LIC strategy.8 The NED was formed at the behest
of President Reagan in 1983 in order to help develop the «infrastructure
of democracydemocracy.»
The foreign debt continues to be an issue and new voices have began to sound the need to look for ways to face it; (ii) At the
national level two questions are concentrating increasing attention: one is the reassessment
of the necessary role
of the state to correct the distortions
of a runaway market (currently discussed in Europe and in the discussions about the role the initiatives
of «an active state has played in the economic development
of Asian countries); the other is the need for a «participative
democracy over against a purely representative formal
democracy: in this sense the need to strengthen civil society with its intermediate organizations becomes an important concern; (iii) the struggle for collective and personal identity in a society in which forced immigration, dehumanizing conditions in urban marginal situations, and foreign cultural aggression and massification in many forms produce a degrading type
of poverty where communal, family and personal identity are eroded and even destroyed.
Do ANY
of the best
of the Western
Democracies in Northern Europe EVER talk about ANY
of this nonsense in their
national debates?
Last April, Nepal faced a
national crisis with growing protests for restoration
of democracy.
I try to unravel some
of the cultural aspects
of the problem» the attempt to erect an empty «shrine» at the heart
of western
democracy» in the Spring 2012 issue
of National Affairs, in an article whose title is taken from the Book
of Daniel: «The Handwriting on the Wall.»
She has served on the Board
of the
National Humanities Center and currently she is a member
of the Council
of the
National Endowment for the Humanities, the Scholars Council
of the Library
of Congress, and the Board
of the
National Endowment for
Democracy.
Reading the diaries
of Dietrich von Hildebrand from the late 1920s and early 1930s, I was powerfully struck by how the disdain
of continental European Christian intellectuals for the messy pluralism
of liberal
democracy made too many
of those thinkers vulnerable to the siren songs
of the monism proposed by German
National Socialism and Italian fascism.
His proposal is for a corporatist
democracy «built from the bottom up» through a system
of tiers that begins locally in Russian villages and culminates in the selection
of a powerful president at the
national level.
Then, Dolan argues, Carroll understood the importance
of creating a «republican» form
of Catholicism in which the Church would absorb the new
national experiment in
democracy into its own internal life.
Agri - TNCs Network - Philippines, MASIPAG (Magsasaka at Siyentipiko para sa Pag - unlad ng Agrikultura), KMP (Kilusang Mangbubukid ng Pilipinas), PNSFP (Philippine Network for Food Security Programs), SIBAT (Sibol ng Agham at Teknolohiya), HEAD (Health action for
Democracy), PAN Phils (Pesticide Action Network - Phils, TFIP (Philippine Task Force for Indigenous Peoples Rights), CENDI (Community Entrepreneur Development Institute), SRD (Center for Sustainable Rural Development), Vietnam, SPFT (Southern Peasants Federation
of Thailand), AGRA (Alliance
of Agrarian Reform Movement), SERUNI
National Women's Alliance, Indonesia, NWFA (
National Women Farmers and Workers Association), BAFLF (Bangladesh Agricultural Farm Labour Federation), SHISUK (Shikha Shastha Unnayan Karzakram), Bangladesh, APVUU (Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union), ORRISSA (Organization for Rural Reconstruction and Integrated Social Services Activities), CREATE, India THANAL, India, Save Our Rice Network, India, PAN-INDIA (Pesticide Action Network - India), India, GRAIN, PAN-AP (Pesticide Action Network - Asia Pacific), APC (Asian Peasants Coalition), Consumers Union
of Japan, Women's Development Federation WELIGEPOLA, MONLAR, Sri Lanka
The
National League for
Democracy (NLD) has recently won 43
of 45 seats contested in a recent by - election and their leader and pro-
democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, beat her rival, former military doctor U Soe Min
of the Junta - backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), in Kawhmu township just outside Yangon.
If the democratic dispensation in Ghana were like those
of more mature
democracies, there would be a mechanism in place for consensual discussions
of issues
of national interest.
Their activities were transnational and unbounded by
national frameworks, which is how most studies on the creation
of modern
democracies have been, and continue to be written.
Rhodes sought to channel the enthusiasm
of Britain's nascent
democracy towards a powerful assertion
of national superiority, in order to distract the masses from their own exploitation, derail plans to redress economic inequality through social welfare reform, and legitimise an economic agenda pursuing the interests
of a small financial elite.
Social
democracy wins where it projects an uplifting, optimistic vision
of Britain's future, a conception
of national modernisation allied to a vision
of social fairness.
But they do not seem to have considered the question
of what will happen the day when the fragile
national democracy of Moldova will be re-married with the well - structured and mobilized semi-authoritarian philo - Russian political culture
of Transnistria.