Sentences with phrase «of national vote share»

Analysis suggests the two main parties are neck and neck overall in terms of national vote share.

From this, the BBC reported an estimate of national vote share of 31 % for the Conservatives, 38 % for Labour and 16 % for the Liberal Democrats, meaning that if these results were replicated at the next general election, Labour would win an 83 seat majority.

Analysis suggested the two main parties were neck and neck overall in terms of national vote share - on 35 % each.

It explains the focus on the SNP, a party that can't expect to take more than four per cent of the national vote share but could end up seizing 50 - odd seats — and advancing its long - term agenda of breaking up Britain.

Not exact matches

The elder Redstone controls about 80 % of the voting shares of both CBS and Viacom through a family holding company called National Amusements Inc., a chain of movie theaters started by his father (Shari Redstone controls the other 20 %).

The announcement came in a press release Thursday afternoon from National Amusements, the Redstone family holding company that owns 80 % of the voting shares in both Viacom and CBS.

The election result was surprising to political analysts as it saw the Lega party overtake Forza Italia, its center - right coalition partner, in terms of vote share giving it more influence in the coalition and potentially at a national level.

Nonetheless all the directors were reelected by wide margins at the company's annual meeting last year, reflecting how Redstone controls a supermajority of the company's Class A voting shares through his holding company, National Amusements.

National Amusements, the privately held movie theater company owned by Redstone and his daughter Shari Redstone, own 80 percent of the voting shares of Viacom and CBS.

National Amusements controls 80 percent of the voting shares of both Viacom and CBS, and is privately owned by Sumner Redstone and his daughter Shari.

Their method is much more thorough and uses information from local by - elections to estimate the National Equivalent Vote and pays attention to the actual shares of the vote in the different county council divisions last tVote and pays attention to the actual shares of the vote in the different county council divisions last tvote in the different county council divisions last time.

UKIP's national support was spread out too thinly for it to turn its vote share into seats; this was in stark contrast to the SNP, which needed only 4.7 per cent of the nation - wide vote to obtain 56 seats.

While parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party and the True Finns may have scored better in their most recent national elections, UKIP's share of the vote is very similar to the results of the French Front National (2012: 13.6 %), the Danish People's Party (2011: 12.3 %) and the Dutch Freedom Party (2012: national elections, UKIP's share of the vote is very similar to the results of the French Front National (2012: 13.6 %), the Danish People's Party (2011: 12.3 %) and the Dutch Freedom Party (2012: National (2012: 13.6 %), the Danish People's Party (2011: 12.3 %) and the Dutch Freedom Party (2012: 10.1 %).

The graphs of the predicted vote share illustrate the predicted results of the model and the actual results of the subsequent national election and show the predictive power or the model is fairly accurate.

In all likelihood, next year's local election results will be less bad for Labour than this year's were, perhaps showing a Conservative lead of 10 - 15 % in terms of national equivalent vote share.

The graph below shows the BBC Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from local elections together with general election vote intention from the polls for the month before each round of local elections.

The graph below shows the 2013 Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from the local elections together with previous PNS figures.

In this year's local elections, Labour finished 20 % behind the Conservatives in terms of national equivalent vote share.

UKIP did extraordinarily well in yesterday's local elections, securing a projected national share of the vote of 23 %.

UKIP's share of general election vote intention, at 14 % last week, is much more muted than the 23 % they achieved in the Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from the local electshare of general election vote intention, at 14 % last week, is much more muted than the 23 % they achieved in the Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from the local electShare of the vote (PNS) from the local elections.

Your figures are the same as for a national percentage share of Con: 39 %, Lab: 27 % In reality people will vote pragmatically for one of the big two, and the Lib Dems will get squaaezed.

The BBC's projected national share of the vote, which uses the results in local elections to estimate the parties» standing across the country, put Labour and the Conservatives neck - and - neck on 35 % apiece.

However, before we consign the party to history, it's worth recounting that it did achieve a national vote share in 2010 of around a fifth higher than the Clegg era poll average of 18 per cent.

Labour and the Tories had equal vote shares after the results were projected on to a national election, taking account of the many areas that didn't hold elections this year.

Given that the city region is a traditional Labour stronghold, Street's victory with a 50.6 per cent share of the vote (after the second round) was testament to the strength of his campaign, and to the strong emphasis the Conservative national leadership placed on supporting his bid.

Labour's share of the European election vote was 25 per cent and its national equivalent vote (NEV) share of the local election vote (Rallings & Thrasher) was 31 per cent.

For instance, Labour's overall share of the vote increased in 2015, relative to the 2010 General Election, by 1.5 %, but the extent of the party's support / seat losses in Scotland to the Scottish National Party (returning with just 1 of the 41 seats that the party had won there in 2010) meant that most of the 701,147 votes won by Labour in Scotland were effectively wasted votes.

The Lib Dems did not reach the share of national votes in the 1990s that the Alliance had achieved in the 1980s.

Under this system, each party draws up a ranked list of candidates, from which a number are elected based on the parties» shares of a national vote.

The Scottish National Party secured 95 % of Scottish seats on a 50 % share of the Scottish vote.

The projection from Thursday's results by the BBC and Professor John Curtice shows that nationally we are now a point ahead of the Tories in our national share of the vote.

Others may vote Liberal Democrat even if it's a hopeless cause locally, because they'll want to boost Nick Clegg's share of the national vote to boost his moral authority in any coalition talks.

But therein lies the Yes campaign's third problem: for most of its activists AV is a halfway house on the road to what they really want, which is proportional representation, where the number of MPs reflects each party's share of the national vote.

But, perhaps somewhat surprisingly, Fianna Fail too would be rather disenchanted with these poll figures, with these leaving the party on a share of the national vote that would not be dramatically higher than that which the party won in 2011.

Due mainly to the party's ability to win transfers from a range of different parties and political groupings, Labour attained a seat bonus of almost 3 % in winning 22.3 % of the seats on a national vote share of 19.4 %.

In 2003, the Conservatives were estimated by the BBC to have led Labour by 5 % in terms of projected national vote share, and the Lib Dems by 8 %.

The 2014 Local Elections saw a Labour Party — which was part of a coalition government with Fine Gael — fare poorly, with its national share of the vote dropping to just over seven percent and with its position as the leading left wing party being usurped by a major contender for this position, namely Sinn Fein.

The 1985 Local Elections saw a Labour Party — which was part of a coalition government with Fine Gael — fare poorly, with its national share of the vote dropping to just over seven percent and with its position as the leading left wing party being usurped by a major contender for this position, namely the Workers Party.

With a four - way contest involving the Conservatives and Plaid Cymru at the 1964 general election, and a national swing to Labour, Roderic Bowen suffered a precipitate decline in his share of the vote to only 38.4 %; he was re-elected with a majority of 2,219 (7.4 %) over Labour.

The local and European elections have seen a fundamental shift in Irish politics with Fianna Fáil obtaining the lowest share of the vote in its history and Fine Gael becoming the biggest party in a national election for the first time.

There is no way that UKIP will subside back to its 3 % showing at the 2010 general election; equally it seems unlikely to exceed the 17 % of the vote it received at these local elections (on a projected national share basis — BBC figure).

On the basis of Friday's results, the BBC is calculating that Labour would have got a 31 % projected share of the national vote, slightly higher than expected, with the Conservatives on 30 %, the Lib Dems on 15 % and UKIP on 12 %.

The former president who was sharing some of the things that led to his loss in the 2016 elections at the World Economic Forum in Durban, South Africa on Thursday said, the promises by Nana Akufo - Addo swayed votes in his favour resulting in the loss of the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

A Guardian ICM poll released this week gave the Conservatives a 12 - point national lead, with a 42 per cent share of the vote compared to Labour's 30 per cent.

For a start, the national vote shares of both the Conservatives and Labour in last week's election was roughly equal, at around 37 per cent.

In what promises to be a knife - edge election, the Tories could emerge well ahead of Labour in the national share of the vote, but still have insufficient MPs in the Commons to rule as a majority.

In Scotland, the Scottish National Party won the largest share of the vote taking 29 % of the vote and won the largest share of the vote in 15 of the 32 Scottish council areas and retained their two seats; despite only winning 2.3 % of the national National Party won the largest share of the vote taking 29 % of the vote and won the largest share of the vote in 15 of the 32 Scottish council areas and retained their two seats; despite only winning 2.3 % of the national national UK vote.

Labour won the largest share of the vote in Scotland at every UK general election from 1964 until 2015, where they lost heavily to the Scottish National Party; [12] every European Parliament general election from 1979 until being defeated by the SNP in 2009; and in the first two elections to the Scottish Parliament in 1999 and 2003.

UKIP support surged, and the BBC's projected national share of the vote suggests they would have scored 17 % in a Britain - wide election.

Based on the two current national polls published today, and following the convention of rounding up, we have the following share of the vote.