But there is no reason why our schools have continually failed generations
of poor and minority children, nor is there an excuse for refusing to overhaul how schools operate in order to educate the kids coming through the corridors now.
If you want to understand how poorly suburban districts do in providing their growing enrollments
of poor and minority children with high - quality education — and why reformers can not simply ignore those woes — take a glimpse at the school districts in tony Hamilton County, Ind., outside of Indianapolis, whose suburbs are home to some of the Hoosier State's most - prosperous families.
To politicians like de Blasio, I — an educator
of poor and minority children — am public enemy number one, but to thousands of families across New York, Success Academy schools are proof of what children can achieve and they have raised their voices to demand educational opportunity for more students.
The Trump Administration has once again made clear its policy agenda of harming the futures
of poor and minority children.
This would also require them to admit that their «social compact» is little more than a step back to the bad old days before No Child's passage, when states, districts, teachers, and school leaders were allowed to ignore the needs
of poor and minority children with impunity.
Angry about what they perceived as years of turmoil and indifference to the needs
of poor and minority children, the parents and community activists had little faith that new leadership would make a difference.
Among the characteristics shared by urban schools include large class sizes, social and disciplinary problems, a large percentage
of poor and minority children, and little involvement from parents compared to their suburban counterparts.
They point out that charters tend to have a higher percentage
of poor and minority children than most American schools, and in a sense they are right.
But I don't expect much from traditionalists opposed to Common Core; it just confirms my view that they could care less about the futures
of poor and minority children (and, for that matter, all children).
But Petrilli isn't the only school reformer or education traditionalist who defends continuing a system that has done far too much damage to generations
of poor and minority children.
As civil rights activists learned after the Morgan ruling, reformers must realize that the federal government must play a strong role on behalf
of poor and minority children.
No one should be surprised that the U.S. Department of Education's new guidance for 41 states to renew the waivers granted to them under the Obama Administration's effort to eviscerate the No Child Left Behind Act and its accountability provisions effectively allows states to get away with continuing their shortchanging
of poor and minority children.
After several congressional leaders — most notably Rep. Barbara Lee of California — roasted U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos for continuing to weaken the department's Office for Civil Rights and effectively abandoning the federal role in protecting the civil rights
of poor and minority children, Harris essentially encouraged DeVos (along with the planned commission on school safety over which she will be chairing) to toss the school discipline reform measure into the ashbin.
Once again, the current occupant of the White House has effectively issued a challenge to the school reform movement, especially to conservatives who once were the dominant force within it: Will they up stand against the administration's war against the futures
of poor and minority children?
What has become clear is that explicitly focusing on the educational concerns
of poor and minority children regardless of where they live, and expanding that to the criminal justice reform and other the social issues that end up touching (and are touched by) American public education, is critical, both in helping all children succeed as well as rallying long - terms support for the movement from the parents and communities that care for them.
I'd love to see charter associations throughout the country file complaints with OCR, asking it to investigate states that don't do enough to provide equitable funding to charter schools serving high proportions
of poor and minority children.
I'd love to see charter associations ask OCR to investigate states that don't do enough to provide equitable funding to charter schools serving high proportions
of poor and minority children.
This need for cultures that reaffirm the self - worth
of poor and minority children (and ultimately, allow for them and their communities gain the knowledge needed to determine their own destinies) is why historically black colleges and universities, along with other minority - serving higher ed institutions, still exist.
But White's own background and study of sociology had given her the belief that systemic anti-segregation and anti-poverty measures, not just individual effort, are essential to improving the lives
of poor and minority children.
If courts can strike down teacher tenure laws as a violation of the rights
of poor and minority children (see «Script Doctors,» legal beat, Fall 2014), why not use the results from CCSS assessments to go after the drawing of school boundaries in a way that perpetuates economic school segregation and denies children equal opportunity?
By shifting funds, public attention and scarce organizational and budgetary resources away from schools and into the coffers of the testing industry vendors, the futures
of poor and minority children and the schools they attend get compromised.»
Not exact matches
Together these leaders — long identified with the struggle for racial
and economic justice — demand a test
of vouchers with one basic criterion in mind: «Do public scholarships help or hurt our
poorest children and the
children of ethnic
minorities?
These men
and women have fought for the abolition
of slavery (Wilberforce), established orphanages for abandoned
children (Mueller), advanced civil rights for racial
minorities (King), fought against HIV / AIDS (Koop), provided human touch, restored dignity,
and shelter for the
poor (Mother Teresa), created places
of belonging
and contribution for people with disabilities
and special needs (Tada),
and fought against the sex trade
and human trafficking (Caine).
He has observed that the marginalization
of women, racial / ethnic /
minorities, Dalits, the
poor,
children, elderly
and the sick, in short the majority
of the people the world over, has escalated with the spread
of the forces
of globalization.
We seek through the vitality
of influence
and power to arrest the injustice
of others but impose in turn new forms
of injustice because we are never as just as we claim to be: parent with
child,
children with parents, protesters with establishment, majorities with
minorities,
minorities with majorities, rich nations with
poor,
and poor nations with rich.
(vi) engage particularly with groups
of fathers who previously have been excluded from services
and whose
children are at risk
of poor outcomes — including young fathers
and black
and minority ethnic fathers;
Since
minorities, you know — cause
of years
of prejudice
and racism, are more likely to be
poor and educated because
of lack
of educational funding
and discrimination in the workforce
and society, they're
children won't fare much better.
Some
of the potential causes
of poor breastfeeding outcomes among black
and Puerto Rican women include breastfeeding ambivalence (7), the availability
of free formula from the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants,
and Children (WIC)(8), a high level
of comfort with the idea
of formula feeding (9), limited availability
and lower intensity
of WIC breastfeeding support for
minority women (10, 11),
and issues surrounding trust building
and perceived mistreatment by providers (12).
Once typical
of only
poor and minority women, this trend doesn't seem to be slowing down, as the stigma
of being a single mother has been replaced by the choice by women to have
children on their own.
Scientists have chronicled the impact
of negative expectations in settings where they occur naturally, such as classrooms that «track» students from early youth
and in society's treatment
of stigmatized groups such as racial
minorities, the
poor, the elderly, the homeless, convicts
and children with learning disabilities.
In the middle
of the last decade, in urban communities across America, middle - class
and upper - middle - class parents started sending their
children to public schools again — schools that for decades had overwhelmingly served
poor and (
and overwhelmingly
minority) populations.
Bush had made «accountability» a cornerstone
of his education platform, using his stated goal
of ensuring equity for
poor and minority children as a way
of bolstering his credentials as a moderate.
It is part history, detailing the unexpectedly collaborative relationships that were instrumental in the expansion
of these top public schools
and part forward - looking; it's a story about the visionaries who reinvented American education for
poor and minority children and are now reinventing it again.
And it put a special focus on ensuring that states and schools boost the performance of certain groups of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education, and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their pee
And it put a special focus on ensuring that states
and schools boost the performance of certain groups of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education, and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their pee
and schools boost the performance
of certain groups
of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education,
and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their pee
and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their pee
and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peers.
Debunking the stereotype that the nation's
poorest, most unhealthy,
and most undereducated
children are members
of minority groups living in urban areas, the report says 14.9 million, or one - fourth
of, American
children living in rural areas face conditions «just as bleak
and in some respects even bleaker than their metropolitan counterparts.»
• Show that public charter schools could benefit the students most in need
of new opportunities (
poor and minority children in big cities).
A study
of 49 states by The Education Trust found that school districts with high numbers
of low - income
and minority students receive substantially less state
and local money per pupil than school districts with few
poor and minority children.
Party leaders have failed to respond adequately to the question
of why
poor minority parents should be required to send their
children to failing public schools when luminaries like Bill Clinton, Al Gore,
and Ted Kennedy saw fit to send their own
children to private schools.
Civil - rights advocates were initially skeptical, but many saw the potential power
of a reform movement that would not brook separate
and lower expectations for
poor children, immigrants, or racial
minorities.
One wonders if those who brought this suit are willing to press their equality claims to their logical conclusions
and challenge the vast array
of inequalities
poor and minority children might experience in public school systems.
The suit, filed on behalf
of Beatriz Vergara, a Los Angeles high school student,
and eight other public school students, claims that the law protects
poor - performing teachers assigned to working with low - income,
minority children.
In big cities where
poor residents
and minorities are concentrated, as many as 80 percent
of public school parents say they would send their
children to private schools if they could afford the tuition.
Instead, it has demonized conservatives as insufficiently committed to
poor and minority children, in the course
of which it went a considerable way to derail the reauthorization process.
Some have argued that the legal basis for this mandate can be found in section 1111 (a)(8), the so - called «equitable teacher distribution» requirement, which asks states to submit plans to the Secretary that describe «steps that the State educational agency will take to ensure that
poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other
children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out -
of - field teachers,
and the measures that the State educational agency will use to evaluate
and publicly report the progress
of the State educational agency with respect to such steps.»
The Forum declared that Education for All must take account
of the needs
of the
poor and the disadvantaged, including working
children, remote rural dwellers
and nomads, ethnic
and linguistic
minorities,
children, young people
and adults affected by HIV
and AIDS, hunger
and poor health,
and those with disabilities or special needs.
But ability grouping
and its close cousin, tracking, in which
children take different classes based on their proficiency levels, fell out
of favor in the late 1980s
and the 1990s as critics charged that they perpetuated inequality by trapping
poor and minority students in low - level groups.
«The challenged statutes do not inevitably lead to the assignment
of more inexperienced teachers to schools serving
poor and minority children,» said Boren, who received his judicial appointments from Republican Govs. George Deukmejian
and Pete Wilson.
But the near - unanimous vote by the conference committee in favor
of the deal belied growing anxiety on the left, with civil rights advocates
and education reformers becoming increasingly nervous they had spent close to a year working on an education bill that will ultimately harm
poor and minority children.
Well - intentioned school leaders want to ensure that
poor,
minority children get what they need to improve their reading scores
and have been told that helping such students requires direct
and explicit teaching
of literacy skills.
«The challenged statutes do not inevitably lead to the assignment
of more inexperienced teachers to schools serving
poor and minority children,» Presiding Justice Roger Boren said in the 3 - 0 ruling.