Sentences with phrase «of poor black children»

Critics of vouchers often portray their proponents as white conservatives bent on transforming public schools into open markets, exploiting them to make profits to the detriment of poor black children.

They grow up in a junk food culture, and do not buy into the idea that children — least of all poor black children — should be eating better than everyone else.

Not exact matches

Drawing on the work of New York University sociologist Patrick Sharkey, Richard Florida wrote that 70 percent of black residents in America's poorest and and most segregated neighborhoods «are the children and grandchildren of those who lived in similar neighborhoods 40 years ago.»

Over half of black children in public primary and secondary schools are concentrated in the nation's twelve largest central city school districts, where the quality of education is poor, and where whites constitute only about a quarter of total enrollment.

As for the «ugly» child, Mary Grace, she listens for a while as Ruby chatters outloud about the superiority of poor blacks over «white trash.»

If [poor black families] are matriarchal by choice (i.e., if lower - class men, women, and children truly prefer a family consisting of a mother, children, and a series of transient males) then it is hardly the federal government's proper business to try to alter this choice.

In New York City, it is generously estimated that one out of ten poor children beginning first grade will graduate from high school prepared for a real college education --» real» meaning not majoring in «black studies» or some other pseudo-discipline, and not dropping out in the first or second year.

For reasons that are difficult to perceive, someone had decided that this sorry spectacle would make a great human - interest scene for the film as Arthur, the famous, rich black American athlete, nobly descends to the lower levels of life and plays table tennis with poor little African children.

Johnson was black and the seventh of 11 children raised on a poor farm outside of Humnoke, Ark..

(vi) engage particularly with groups of fathers who previously have been excluded from services and whose children are at risk of poor outcomes — including young fathers and black and minority ethnic fathers;

Some of the potential causes of poor breastfeeding outcomes among black and Puerto Rican women include breastfeeding ambivalence (7), the availability of free formula from the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC)(8), a high level of comfort with the idea of formula feeding (9), limited availability and lower intensity of WIC breastfeeding support for minority women (10, 11), and issues surrounding trust building and perceived mistreatment by providers (12).

Muba Yarofulani, 53, parent of public school children Aziza, 17, and Jelani, 12, agreed, adding that Black's appointment sets a poor example for children by telling them that they can be appointed jobs without becoming qualified.

Many of them already find the odds stacked against them: the poor white boys who struggle through school; the young black men who are twice as likely to be unemployed as their peers; the children growing up in the poorest neighbourhoods.

They found a higher prevalence of risk factors for poor outcomes in black children that include ventilator use, oxygen support, wound infections, transfusions and neonatal status.

Rendering characters they developed in tandem with their Spanish writer - director, these non-professional but astoundingly gifted performers convey so much of what matters in so many working - class black lives: the solidarity but also the standoff between parent and child; the series of low - ceiling jobs; the alienation from what few social services still exist; the yearning but also the wariness awakened by new romantic prospects; and the suddenness with which poor choices, ambient prejudice, or adolescent disaffection lead to intractable enmeshments in the penal apparatus.

While the white women of Jackson spar over social status, bridge clubs, and charity fundraisers, the town's black maids, who are bused in each morning from the poorer side of town, struggle to make a living and send their children to school.

Steve Martin (Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band, The Lonely Guy) stars as Navin Johnson, a white man - child living as the adopted son of a poor black Mississippi sharecropping family, and though he doesn't quite know it, his «whiteness», in both skin color and interests, has definitely made him the «black sheep» of the family.

Most of the seven hundred or so children who attend this K - 12 institution located in a tough neighborhood in Northeast Washington enter scoring well below their grade level in reading and math; the school is overwhelmingly black and largely poor or working - class.

Better known as the Coleman Report after its first author, the eminent sociologist James Coleman, the document provided abundant evidence of large gaps in reading and mathematics skills between black children and white children and between children from poor families and those from more affluent families.

12 percent of white and Asian children lived in poor families, compared with 36 percent of black children, 30 percent of Hispanic children, 33 percent of American Indian children, and 19 percent of others.

Wanting to see for himself, Mike visits his local elementary school in Takoma Park, Maryland, where «the children of übereducated whites» are in the same classrooms as poor blacks, black middle - class families» and «poor immigrant children from Latin America, Ethiopia, and Eritrea.»

To students like me, integration came to mean sending a small phalanx of mostly poor black and Latino children to attend schools in white neighborhoods.

Perhaps half of the children who were included in the massive expansion of American education in the last century — and especially the poor and the black — were tragically «left back» in dumbed - down curriculum tracks.

As the tuition grant proposal was aimed primarily at improving education for poor black children, the black - led coalition could not avoid being accused of promoting urban black interests at the expense of rural and suburban areas.

Piney Branch Elementary serves an incredibly diverse group of 3rd, 4th, and 5th graders, from the children of übereducated white and black middle - class families, to poor immigrant children from Latin America, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, to low - income African American kids.

They found that about 25 percent of white children, and an astounding 79 percent of black children, were poor for at least a year during their childhoods.

But long - term poverty was much rarer: One percent of white children and 30 percent of black children were poor for at least two - thirds of their childhoods.

But, like its West Coast counterpart, the William Monroe Trotter School, in Beantown's poor Roxbury section, was built as «a showcase for new methods of teaching» — enough of a showcase, it was hoped, to attract white children to a black neighborhood for their schooling.

Howard Fuller's memoir, written with Lisa Frazier Page, chronicles his journey from political activist to school superintendent and back again, revealing along the way the monumental challenge of ensuring that poor black children have access to a high - quality education.

As Bush strategist Karl Rove explained in his book Courage and Consequence: «When Bush said education was the civil rights struggle of our time or that the absence of an accountability system in our schools meant black, brown, poor, and rural children were getting left behind, it gave listeners important information about his respect and concern for every family and deepened the impression that he was a different kind of Republican whom suburban voters... could be proud to support.»

This need for cultures that reaffirm the self - worth of poor and minority children (and ultimately, allow for them and their communities gain the knowledge needed to determine their own destinies) is why historically black colleges and universities, along with other minority - serving higher ed institutions, still exist.

The only hope for the future of our society, especially for poor black and Hispanic children, is escape from public schools, especially to charter schools, which are mostly funded by the government but controlled by private organizations, many of them operating to make a profit.

True, desegregation in places like Boston was a failure because it mixed poor whites and poor blacks and spawned white flight by not giving parents any say in the matter of where their children went to school.

Today, school reformers, state and local education officials, exemplary charter - school operators, and managers of philanthropic foundations make it very clear that they are primarily in the business of educating poor black and Hispanic children.

Because of these incarceration rates, poor black children are more likely to experience a period when at least one of their parents is absent.

Finally, a key issue given little attention in the book is the continuing wide educational disadvantage of poor, particularly black, children, and the hope that educational intervention in the early years may reduce it.

Now on the 50th Anniversary of «The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,» and in new research for Education Next, Harvard sociologist William Julius Wilson with Harvard colleagues James Quane and Jackelyn Hwang, find poor black children today are increasingly likely to grow up in family units in the inner city whose dire circumstances affect every aspect of their lives.

As Checker himself acknowledges, a sizable proportion of parents — rich, poor, white, black, and Hispanic — would like to choose diverse schools for their children.

Instead of pouncing on Mr. Bush, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio might explain to voters why Barack Obama has spent his entire presidency trying to shut down a school voucher program in Washington, D.C., that gives poor black and brown children access to private schools and, according to the Education Department's own evaluation, improves their chances of graduating by as much as 21 percentage points.

As the Failing Brown v. Board report states, «The refusal to offer Black and Brown and poor children the same resources and educational opportunities that are offered to white and wealthy children continues to be a national crisis that has yet to be acknowledged or addressed by those in positions of power.»

Just as school consolidation makes integrated schools possible, school secession has proven to be a tool to keep the education of black and white and rich and poor children separate — most recently in Jefferson County, Alabama, and in Shelby County, Tennessee.

Last month, the administration scrambled to get Virginia to scrap its low expectations for poor and minority children amid outcry from reformers and civil rights activists over the Old Dominion's move to approve AMO targets that only require districts to ensure that 57 percent of black students (and 65 percent of Latino peers) are proficient in math by 2016 - 2017; those targets were blessed by the administration back in June as part of its approval of the state's waiver proposal.

Roses is part of a growing movement of progressive and community - based charter schools that emphasize a broader liberal arts curriculum, bringing a full slate of art, music and extra-curricular activities into schools for poor black and brown children.

This also means expanding opportunities for high - quality education — from greater access to Advanced Placement courses to the expansion of high - quality charter schools — so that children from poor and minority households, especially young black men and women who did the worst on NAEP this year (and have less access to college - preparatory courses in traditional districts) can succeed in school and in life.

And it is important to remind some Beltway reformers that focusing on poor and minority children will not only help all kids, but can even win suppoet from middle class blacks and Latinos, who will make up the majority of all Americans by mid-century.

The biggest problem with the report is the underlying philosophy that Ferguson, Schwartz and others advance with their so - called multiple pathways: That poor white, black and Latino children are incapable of college - level learning.

That it means pushing for a rollback of federal education policy that have helped black and brown children as well as a return to the bad old days when states and districts were allowed to ignore their obligations to poor and minority children doesn't factor into any of their thinking.

The board's vote followed months of intense pressure to reject the proposal from other black education advocates, who argued that charter schools give children in poor neighborhoods better school options.

We've long understood the primary reason, too: A higher proportion of black and Hispanic children come from poor families.

As a child of the 70s, I was less interested in the talented tenth, a frequently self - absorbed and misguided group that would look down on poor Blacks.