Sentences with phrase «of public conscience»

The Martens Clause, a provision of international law, requires that states take into account the «dictates of public conscience.»

Perhaps most importantly, this week a number of countries acknowledged the relevance of the Martens Clause and its legal requirement that the principles of humanity and the dictates of the public conscience be taken into account.

Ms. Bonnie Docherty of Human Rights Watch, a campaign co-founder, will speak on the human rights implications of autonomous weapons systems, including the basic tenants of the right to life, principle of humanity, and dictates of the public conscience or Marten's Clause.

The ICRC encourages States to now turn their attention to fixing limits on autonomy in the critical functions of weapon systems, to ensure that they can be used in accordance with IHL and within the bounds of what is acceptable under the dictates of public conscience.

They will urge nations to invoke the Martens Clause, which requires that states take evolving public perspectives into account when determining whether weapons such as killer robots can meet the «dictates of public conscience» and the «principles of humanity.»

We would like the CCW process to emerge strengthened from these discussions, resulting in increased systemic controls on international armed conflicts embedded in international law in a manner that does not widen the technology gap amongst states or encourage the use of lethal force to settle international disputes just because it affords the prospects of lesser casualties to one side or that its use can be shielded from the dictates of public conscience.

Yet such mixing of the blood of Israel was not in defiance of public conscience; it was condoned and legalized.

Not exact matches

I don't want public attention because I don't want the story to be about me... I want it to be about what the US government is doing... I'm willing to sacrifice all of that because I can't in good conscience allow the US government to destroy privacy, internet freedom and basic liberties for people around the world with this massive surveillance machine they're secretly building.

Merck experienced significant increases in positive consumer perception in the days following Frazier's resignation from Trump's manufacturing council over what he called a matter of «personal conscience,» according YouGov BrandIndex, a firm that tracks public opinions about brands.

The dispute over the panels began on Monday, when Merck & Co.'s Kenneth Frazier took a public stand against Trump, saying that quitting the manufacturing council was «matter of personal conscience» and said that U.S. leaders had to reject «hatred, bigotry and group supremacy.»

She suggested taking what has been shared on this thread, along with information that can't in good conscience be shared in public, for private professional review, making use of structures developed by denominations over many years of dealing with situations like these.

The Declaration affirms: «Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance» (Article 18).

One after another the state constitutions had declared that, as North Carolina's put it, «all men have a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences» (V: 71) The state constitutions indicated that the right of «free exercise» was meant to be absolute, at least to the point of not «disturb [ing] the public peace or obstruct [ing] others in their religious worship» (Massachusetts, 1780, V: 77) Equally straightforward was the opposition to «an establishment of religion.»

There is still a public conscience of considerable strength ready to condemn greed, exploitation and cruelty.

This scheme allows that the rule of God in the public orders is not primarily in the hands of believers but is communicated to all persons through the natural orders and can be grasped through conscience and moral reason.

While respecting the universal principles of the Church, the Christian by his own conscience and his own inquiry, which is a duty incumbent on him as an individual, has to seek for the concrete prescription by which he will shape his own life and endeavour to contribute to determining the actual form taken by public life.

However, such a tangible measure, borne of respect for human dignity and concern for the public good, would help greatly in stimulating the American conscience on a matter that presently struggles to hold its attention.

Another example is that of citizens of states which pay for abortions with public funds who refuse, as a matter of conscience, to remit to state government a portion of their taxes corresponding to the percentage of the state budget that goes to abortion funding.

These are worrying signs of a failure to appreciate not only the rights of believers to freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, but also the legitimate role of religion in the public square.

And there are those who argue — paradoxically with the intention of eliminating discrimination — that Christians in public roles should be required at times to act against their conscience.

Democracy for him requires the dogged and sustained vigilance and effort of public intellectuals and people of conscience.

I can not but voice my concern at the increasing marginalisation of religion, particularly of Christianity... relegating it] to the purely private sphere... [such] that Christians in public roles should be required at times to act against their conscience... and the official teaching of the Church.

But it is precisely freedom of conscience and our culture of tolerance that the perversions of our post-Christian culture now throw in doubt, as the goings - on at universities and in the public square indicate.

Since institutional or public religion is a manifestation of group consciousness, the group consciousness and group conscience of ancient Israel constituted its experience of God's presence (INNW 32).

He guided South Africa through the stormy waters of our first few years of democracy and when he left office he continued in public life, calling the nation to moments and campaigns of charity and conscience.

The means used to carry out covert operations not only violated «hitherto accepted norms of human conduct,» they oftentimes circumvented the law, the will of Congress, and the consciences and political wishes of the U.S. public.

Yet along with this self - interested fringe of values vendors there exists a solid center of genuinely concerned Americans who have seen the bottom fall out of the public moral conscience in little more than a generation.

Such is the kind of reasoning that needs to be advanced in the public square: not an argument from sectarian exceptionalism or the unique privileges of a private religious conscience, but arguments from the inalterable structure of things.

The public, frightening nature of this test could not fail to make guilt or innocence appear when the conscience was so assaulted.

A representative of Portman's said, «Recent events in Israel have been extremely distressing to her and she does not feel comfortable participating in any public events in Israel, and can not, in good conscience, move forward with the ceremony.»

A church - state conflict arises when government adopts a policy that has the effect of restricting freedom of conscience or of imposing on all a policy essentially based on the ethos of a particular religious tradition (example: a law outlawing contraception or mandating devotion to Mary in a public school).

In this and moments like it, I find myself wishing I prized politeness less and had the interior freedom to kick out my friend and his mistress» or in some way to give the moral truth that has been jammed into a far corner of my conscience some purchase on reality, some public expression.

This severing of public and private morality, of capital and community, generates new costs of its own unrelated to unemployment — costs to human conscience.

Today, the media, demagoguery, mind conditioning, and all sorts of other methods are used to sway public opinion and manipulate minds, giving the impression of a collective rape of consciences and a serious confiscation of freedoms and of thought.

He made the case that if we base our objections to this on our own conscience rights, we may absolutize the privatization of moral principles, such that the public square is no longer responsible to any standard of right and wrong.

The Pope does not allow them to separate the realm of private conscience from that of public conduct.

Our society's understanding of the pattern of family life and of the role of conscience and religious belief in public life remains a very important part of the political agenda.»

What I find disappointing about many studies of public rhetoric is (a) their tendency to focus only on content, rather than the form or structure of discourse, (b) their tendency to thematize this content, and (c) their tendency to regard these themes as reflections, or reinforcements, of collective values — which apparently lie hidden somewhere in the subjectivity of the collective conscience.

Indeed, at this special juncture of the world's history, few things need more to be driven home on the public conscience than this simple but ominous fact: it is a good deal easier to waste a patrimony than it is to make one.

It establishes a false dichotomy, and in relation to journalism limits the editorial terrain to that of the political celebrities engaged in major voting blocs, rather than to the editorial direction that ought to be given in good conscience to serve the public.

On 18 July 2014 the world awakened to yet another tragedy: the downing of the Malaysian Airlines flight HM17 over pro-Russian separatist territory of Ukraine, which in its horrendous totality shocked the collective conscience of the public.

For all their paranoia and guilty consciences, lawmakers did manage to agree on a bill addressing the 178 public schools classified as «failing» because of their persistently bottom - of - the - barrel test scores.

But I can not in good conscience and in defence of the Constitution support its Presidential candidate to continue leading the looting of the public purse.

We know voters take a dim view of petty - minded bickering between the coalition parties; it sends a negative message that slowly drip - feeds its way through headline after headline into the public conscience.

«I can not imagine that David Steiner will sleep well tonight; he wrestled with his conscience and settled on a nightmarish scenario for the million - plus children in the New York City public schools — placing at the helm of the New York City public school system a person with zero educational credentials,» he said.

Through lobbying, advocacy, coalition building, citizen education and policy development, EPL / Environmental Advocates has been New York's environmental conscience - ensuring that environmental laws are enforced; that new measures are enacted when necessary; and that the public is informed of, and participates in, important environmental policy debates.

When Galton published his results, he ushered the theory of collective intelligence, or the «wisdom of crowds,» into the public conscience.

The book reflects the ways in which the complex and often competing narratives of family, gender, history, biography, the law, media, the public, politics, ideology, industry, academia, morals, ethics and conscience are woven together in the everyday business of being a scientist.

While it is unfair to put the burden on fans and the public to protest this film, and let's be real that just isn't going to happen on a wide scale, I can not in good conscience see a film who cast someone so antithetical to the premise of the series.

Presenting Campion as a public figure with a social and artistic conscience, Verhoeven effectively adopts Richard Dyer's model of a structured polysemy in order to demonstrate how Campion is both a star - maker and a star herself (17).