«As the process
of racial desegregation unfolded in the United States, there was a clear need to update signage and re-educate the public.
My use of brackets attempts to emphasize that this argument is something of a reworking
of the racial desegregation arguments that prevailed from the 1960s through the 1980s.
Not exact matches
Racial desegregation in the schools can not take place in isolation but must be part
of a broad attack on bias in many directions.
The most celebrated example
of Federal intervention in state and local school affairs is the 1954
racial desegregation decision
of the United States Supreme Court.
During the ensuing decades major
desegregation and compensatory education programs were undertaken with the intention
of rectifying these
racial disparities.
Although there were some small - scale random - assignment experiments
of the effects
of desegregation on test scores, most
of what we know today concerns the relationship between a school outcome such as achievement on the one hand, and
racial composition on the other.
Steven Rivkin:
Desegregation efforts did improve the
racial balance
of public schools.
After greatly increasing
desegregation of public schools a generation ago, the United States public education system is now steadily consolidating a trend toward
racial resegregation that began in the late 1980s, according to a new study by The Civil Rights Project and researchers at the Harvard Graduate School
of Education.
Contrary to allegations by the U.S. Department
of Justice, the scholarship program improves
racial integration in public schools in 34 districts under
desegregation orders
In the wake
of Boston's painful
desegregation process in 1974, monies were made available to fund such projects in schools where
racial tensions had not only simmered, but boiled over.
• «
Desegregation Since the Coleman Report,» by Steve Rivkin, which examines the evidence on the
racial composition
of schools and student learning.
Today, questions about the effects
of changes in housing patterns and recent Supreme Court decisions that weaken
desegregation efforts remain central to discussions
of educational opportunity and
racial achievement gaps.
That seminal law explicitly states that «
desegregation» means the assignment
of students to schools «without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin,» and shall not be interpreted to mean «the assignment
of students to public schools in order to overcome
racial imbalance.»
But in a new article for Education Next, «
Desegregation Since the Coleman Report:
Racial composition
of schools and student learning,» Steven Rivkin
of the University
of Illinois at Chicago identifies a key trend masquerading as resegregation: the decreasing enrollment share
of white students due to the increasing ethnic diversity
of public schools.
Numerous
racial -
desegregation cases, in which the goal
of integration to remedy intentional discrimination is relatively clear, have lasted for decades.
For an embargoed copy
of «
Desegregation Since the Coleman Report:
Racial composition
of schools and student learning» or to speak to the author, contact Jackie Kerstetter at
[email protected].
San Francisco's groundbreaking economic -
desegregation plan satisfies the short - term goals
of the litigants — creating a student - assignment system that avoids
racial quotas, passes constitutional muster, yet also maintains a degree
of racial diversity in the schools, given the connection between
racial and economic status.
Desegregation since the Coleman Report
Racial composition
of schools and student learning by Steven Rivkin
And Brown only required the states to implement school
desegregation «with all deliberate speed,» something less than a clarion call for immediately rectifying the effects
of racial injustice.
-- a crucial component
of the ongoing
racial and ethnic divide: Is more
desegregation needed?
It takes a great deal
of personal time to become informed regarding such issues as
racial desegregation, charter schools, curriculum content, testing, graduation standards, geographic placement
of a new school, and the configuration
of attendance boundaries.
Richard Kahlenberg makes the kind
of very clean and uncompromising argument typical
of believers in forced
desegregation, whether based on
racial or, in this case, economic status.
Representatives in a long - running
desegregation lawsuit involving Mississippi's higher education system have reached a $ 503 million settlement that is intended to address decades
of deliberate
racial segregation in state colleges and universities.
Though the program falls under the law's choice provisions, the federal government still considers magnets an important aspect
of desegregation policy, defining a magnet school as one that «offers a special curriculum capable
of attracting substantial numbers
of students
of different
racial backgrounds.»
In a 70 - page opinion, U.S. District Judge Richard P. Matsch released the Denver schools from 21 years
of federal oversight and upheld a 1974 amendment to the state constitution prohibiting districts not under federal
desegregation orders from busing children for
racial balance.
Through Reimagining Integration, Teitel is calling for schools to go beyond «
desegregation» — what he calls «body counts»
of students from different backgrounds — to true
racial and socioeconomical integration.
They asked the court to dissolve the
desegregation order and to hold the use
of magnet school
racial guidelines unconstitutional.
(b) «
Desegregation» means the assignment of students to public schools and within such schools without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin, but «desegregation» shall not mean the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome raci
Desegregation» means the assignment
of students to public schools and within such schools without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin, but «
desegregation» shall not mean the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome raci
desegregation» shall not mean the assignment
of students to public schools in order to overcome
racial imbalance.
The study, which one
of the researchers provided to Education Week, also indicates that some grants under the federal magnet - schools program are going to districts that have no realistic chance
of furthering the program's primary goal
of promoting
racial desegregation.
Thinking more broadly, if
desegregation and integration were really such a disaster in terms
of American race relations, how is one to explain the plethora
of statistical and anecdotal evidence suggesting a dramatic liberalization in
racial attitudes during the past four decades?
Soon after Brown's federal
desegregation orders, North Carolina's lawmakers developed the Pearsall Plan, which, according to the North Carolina Division
of Non-Public Education's website, «was essentially a voucher program to provide funding for student attendance at non-public schools in order to avoid anticipated
racial strife envisioned as a result
of the public school integration mandate.»
I am focusing on magnet schools in this essay because these schools are designed to have a specific
racial balance in order to achieve the goal
of desegregating Connecticut's public schools, yet demographics play out differently depending on the school, and some schools are struggling to maintain their required
desegregation standards.
In 1974, the Supreme Court struck down the
desegregation order — a landmark ruling that relieved suburban districts
of their burden to help ease
racial disparities in the city and set the stage for a long battle over whose responsibility it was to lift the Detroit school system out
of its quagmire.
Racial isolation has discouraging repercussions, according to Howell Baum, the author
of» «Brown» in Baltimore: School
Desegregation and the Limits
of Liberalism.»
When one
of the attorneys in the famous Sheff
desegregation case said, «the state has an obligation to provide great, racially diverse schools,» Connecticut's Supreme Court agreed and ordered the legislature to take definitive action to reduce
racial isolation in the state's urban public schools.
While the end
of court - ordered
desegregation measures has caused a modest increase in segregation within public school districts, a large majority
of racial segregation occurs across district lines.
The bigger problem lies at the fatal conceit
of the view
of the NAACP and its allies in the ivory tower: That economic and
racial desegregation will lead to improvements in student achievement.
Because
racial integration and
desegregation are part
of the guidelines, it appears that these are still goals
of LAUSD magnet schools.
Since the mid-1990s, New Haven has embarked on a voluntary
desegregation initiative that is intended to increase rates
of racial diversity within its public schools and improve academic outcomes for students
of color, particularly those who are black or Hispanic.
In 1969,
desegregation by use
of student
racial ratios and mandated crosstown busing was put into effect.
(2) signed by an individual, or his parent, to the effect that he has been denied admission to or not permitted to continue in attendance at a public college by reason
of race, color, religion, or national origin, and the Attorney General believes the complaint is meritorious and certifies that the signer or signers
of such complaint are unable, in his judgment, to initiate and maintain appropriate legal proceedings for relief and that the institution
of an action will materially further the orderly achievement
of desegregation in public education, the Attorney General is authorized, after giving notice
of such complaint to the appropriate school board or college authority and after certifying that he is satisfied that such board or authority has had a reasonable time to adjust the conditions alleged in such complaint, to institute for or in the name
of the United States a civil action in any appropriate district court
of the United States against such parties and for such relief as may be appropriate, and such court shall have and shall exercise jurisdiction
of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section, provided that nothing herein shall empower any official or court
of the United States to issue any order seeking to achieve a
racial balance in any school by requiring the transportation
of pupils or students from one school to another or one school district to another in order to achieve such
racial balance, or otherwise enlarge the existing power
of the court to insure compliance with constitutional standards.
As the spokesman points out, this is an example
of a cultural change that started in the military sector and spread to become part
of civilian culture (
racial desegregation under President Harry Truman may qualify as another example).