Sentences with phrase «of racial quotas»

A Boston lawyer has challenged the city school system's use of racial quotas in determining which students get admitted to its most prestigious schools.
But even in that circuit, several school districts and one state (Connecticut) have continued to avoid the use of racial quotas in magnet admissions because they believe using them invites a legal challenge.
The 2002 U.S. Supreme Court decision outlawing the use of racial quotas at the University of Michigan — but approving the use of race as one of many factors in admissions decisions — has had little impact on magnet schools, mainly because most had already abandoned the use of quotas.

Not exact matches

Equality of opportunity was passé; racial quotas masqueraded under the euphemism of «affirmative action»; King's righteous demand that his children be judged by the content of their character rather than the color of their skin was inverted by race - hustlers and shakedown artists» an inversion subsequently validated by activist judges.
This comes as an aside that Rorty does not develop, but it sounds suspiciously like support for racial integration and opposition to affirmative action and quotas, which are of course causes of a conservative hue.
Connerly is a feisty black man who has been in the forefront of battling racial preferences and quotas in California and around the nation.
We meet a similar, and similarly contradictory, construal of justice in some feminist literature, as well as in the claim that the society should be both color - blind and have preferential quotas for racial minorities.
One wonders: do the authors of the Platform themselves agree about whether the «dignity of all persons» is offended by abortion, whether racial quotas honor or violate the principle that «discrimination is abhorrent,» or whether the virtue of «tolerance» requires putting up with obscenity in the music of rock and rap?
Political entrepreneurs are beginning to exploit the rise of ethnic consciousness in the U.S. Political ethnicity and conflict are certain to grow when government validates or legitimates racial, religious or nationality quotas, proportional representation, community control, communalism or sectionalism.
On various levels of society we already see the introduction of racial and ethnic quotas, proportional representation, caucuses, preferential treatment, government subsidies and community control.
- is virulently against private gun ownership - is a HUGE supporter of quotas and racial set asides (yet decries racism)- is pro DC voting rights / statehood - is very much pro-choice - is against the death penalty - favors raising taxes (and letting Bush's expire), not cutting spending - favors a nationalized health care plan
Here, Scalia quotes from the constitutional scholar Alexander Bickel, who argued that a «racial quota derogates the human dignity and individuality of all to whom it is applied; it is invidious in principle as well as in practice.»
San Francisco's groundbreaking economic - desegregation plan satisfies the short - term goals of the litigants — creating a student - assignment system that avoids racial quotas, passes constitutional muster, yet also maintains a degree of racial diversity in the schools, given the connection between racial and economic status.
Critics of disparate impact have long pointed out that the doctrine actually compels discrimination, since remedying any disparities caused by neutral policies requires racial quotas and classifications.
Districts including Jefferson County Public Schools in Louisville, Kentucky, which had a racial quota in its assignment policy that was struck down by the Supreme Court, have remained integrated even without the option of race - based policies.29 Semeuls, A. (2015, March 27).
Critics of the guidance believe it puts the safety of teachers and administrators at risk by making it more difficult to suspend dangerous students, and that it creates an incentive for schools to develop a «racial quota» approach to student discipline.
Thus, after the busing mandate in Nashville, real estate agents began marketing residences in a way similar to their marketing of residents at the beginning of the suburbanization era, but this time segmenting the areas affected by bussing and racial quotas and not affected by bussing.
Relying on cherry - picked statutory history, Brennan found that Title VII's plain text did not prohibit collectively bargained, voluntary affirmative action programs that attempt to remedy disparate impact — statistical imbalances in the racial composition of employment groups — even if such plans used quota systems.
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