Sentences with phrase «of religious programs»

A large majority of religious programs have traditionally been aired and continue to be aired on Sundays, particularly in the «religious - ghetto» hours of early Sunday morning.

The regular and supportive audience of religious programs is much smaller.

This segmentation into group characteristics and situational needs provides an alternative approach to understanding the reasons why some groups are heavy viewers of religious programs while others are not.

In spite of this dominant use now being made of religious programs by church people, the paid - time broadcasters still maintain that the dominant intention of their programs is evangelism (i.e., reaching outsiders).

Viewers are more likely to express influences of religious programs in actions which are proximate to the television screen, such as contacting or subscribing to a religious broadcast organization rather than through the more distant option of initiating a relationship with a neighborhood church.

When attempting to understand the reasons for the failure of religious programs to increase local church membership, several possible explanations emerge.

For educational levels beyond high school, however, listening and viewing of religious programs decreased rapidly.

Dennis in 1962 found that having one's birthplace in one of the southern states was a significant factor in distinguishing audience from non-audience of religious programs.

As part of the larger study, Frank and Greenberg also studied the viewing of religious programs on television.

As a consequence of the displacement of these other types of religious programs, the growth of paid - time religious programming in the 1960s and 1970s has resulted in a marked movement in religious television away from representating a range of U.S. cultures and traditions toward representing mainly the Protestant evangelical and fundamentalist traditions, particularly the independent broadcast organizations.

Chapter 7 will examine the research relevant to this issue, particularly as it addresses the questions: Have paid - time religious programs really displaced other types of religious programs?

For example, when questioned in 1968 about their placement of religious programs, stations» owners gave very low priority to «the desires of the program's sponsor» when scheduling programs.

Dennis, in 1962, found no significant difference between the audience and non-audience of religious programs up to the high - school level of education.

While in most audiences of religious programs there is a percentage of people who are unchurched or who indicate little interest in religion in general, it needs to be noted that this percentage is consistently small.

There appear to be three main reasons for the concentration of religious programs on Sundays: (1) Sunday is the traditional day of Christian worship and therefore seemed most appropriate for Christian broadcasts; (2) Christian broadcasts on the networks were originally conceived as alternatives for those, such as shut - ins, who could not attend regular services at a church; (6)(3) Sunday morning was the period of lowest audience for broadcasters and therefore was the least commercially damaging for stations in fulfilling their FCC obligations by providing free air - time for religious broadcasts.

The effectiveness of the medium in touching these needs and establishing an evocative relationship between the viewer and broadcaster had led to a shaping of many of the religious programs toward this aspect of the market by cultivating a strong emphasis on and appeal to personal concerns such as well being, personal contentedness, satisfactory relationships, and physical health and healing.

In 1971 the highest «average airings per station» of religious programs were found to be in a sequence of regions in the south - east, east - central, mid-central, and north - west regions of the country.

Frank and Greenberg suggest that their heavy viewing of religious programs probably helps to satisfy their needs for support and contact and reinforcement of the more traditional values associated with American life.

The research indicates that the dominant audience of religious programs on American television is people who are already religiously interested and church attenders.

(The two studies by Dennis and Robinson parallel each other to a large extent and reach similar conclusions with regard to the audiences of religious programs in these locations and in this period.)

In 1984, an Annenberg - Gallup study revealed that the total number of viewers who watch one hour or more of religious programs per week is about 4.84 million persons, or 2.17 percent of the total population.

(As part of a much larger study, this work provides useful information on characteristics of the audience and non-audience of religious programs, particularly in regard to how the use of religious programs corresponds to other personality characteristics and social stances.)

The research suggests, therefore, that while the overall trend is for the viewing of religious programs to decrease as educational and income level increases, changes in the composition of the audience can be effected through the particular format and content adopted.

Given the increased diversity, selectivity, and competitiveness which cable brings in the choice of programs, it is unlikely that the movement of syndicated programming into cable will bring about a radical increase in the audience of religious programs.

A sufficient number of other studies also exists to form a fairly comprehensive picture of the audience of religious programs.

It may be argued that the lack of research into the effects of religious programs is compensated by broadcasters» use of research from other areas of mass - media effects to form opinions on the effects which may be expected from their programs.

Robinson found that 90 percent of the regular listeners and viewers of religious programs were Protestants, while greater than 50 percent of Roman Catholics and Jews were non - listeners or non-viewers.

Producers of religious programs within churches have consistently had to fight to convince church hierarchies of the value of mass - media communication.

Because of the complex interaction of religious broadcasting with other social characteristics such as broader religious and cultural movements, changing social uses of mass media, and changing historical circumstances, it is unlikely that a simple cause - effect relationship between the viewing of religious programs on television and individual faith and church interaction could ever be isolated.

These programs now represent the large majority of religious programs on television.

Robinson, in his study of the audience of religious programs in seven cities in the United States in 1964, found that the lowest levels of formal education were much more likely to listen to or view religious programs regularly.

Evangelical radio broadcaster Tom Bisset, in an article uncharacteristically honest for an evangelical broadcaster in its self - analysis, reviewed the research of evangelical Christianity in the U.S. commissioned by Christianity Today and felt forced to question the composition of the religious programs» audience:

The church needs to establish a watchdog agency which would conduct continuous research and debate to ensure that the message and practice of religious programs remains congruous with established Christian thought.

Much of the information on the demographic characteristics of the regular audience of religious programs again comes from the surveys of the Nielsen Company.

It is more likely to segment ever further the present specialized audience among a larger range of religious programs.

It is apparent that much more research is needed before the size of the total audience of religious programs and its breakdown into categories of programs can be accurately evaluated.

For example, in the presence of the advantage held by the paid - time religious programmers, several denominations which had previously cooperated with others in the common production of religious programs have now decided to compete on their own through the purchase of their own television stations, the production of their own programs, and the cultivation of their own audiences.

Certainly the picture is sufficiently clear to call into question the figures of over 100 million which have occasionally been quoted, and to assert that not all viewers of religious programs are viewers of the paid - time programs.

The persuasiveness of religious programs toward change appear to be greatest when they are viewed by a person who is in a state of attitude imbalance or transition and seeking new forms of gratification for his or her needs; when they are viewed by a person for whom religious faith has always been a viable, if not vital, option; when the options being presented are seen as realistic and leading to a desirable end; when opportunity for demonstration exists in proximate distance to the viewing situation; and when the attitude or behavior is not central to the individual's self - concept and ego - functioning.

The lightest viewing of religious programs takes place by the following interest segments: Males: Mechanics and Outdoor Life, 13 percent; Youth: Competitive Sports and Science / Engineering, 39 percent; Mixed: Cosmopolitan Self - Enrichment, 31 percent; and Female: Family - Integrated Activities, 48 percent.

A friend of mine in Germany, a broadcaster of religious programs, once commented rather plaintively: «Is it asking too much when one asks the parson just for once, just once, to talk as a normal man to normal men, brief and to the point, without mincing matters, in a natural tone of voice, almost as in a friendly conversation?»

14 % said that their viewing of religious programs was «a substitute for going to church», and about 20 % said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.

For this reason they understand their viewing of religious programs as both an act of protest against the «evils» of general television and an affirmation of their support for the worldview expressed within the electronic - church programs.

The national survey used the «literalist / charismatic» index of evangelical belief (as opposed to membership in an evangelical denomination), which showed that holding these beliefs was more strongly associated with the viewing of religious programs than any other single factor — including attending church, contributing to a church, participating in community activities, income, age, or sex.

Viewers of religious programs are by and large also the believers, the church - goers, the contributors.

But only 6 per cent of all viewers of religious programs were regular contributors, though 13 per cent contributed «once in a while» and 5 per cent gave to «special appeals only.»

The national survey used an index of evangelical belief (as opposed to membership in an evangelical denomination), which showed that holding these beliefs was more strongly associated with the viewing of religious programs than any other single factor, including contributing to or attending church, participation in community activities, income, age or sex.

Thus heavy viewers of religious programs are more likely than light viewers to describe themselves as conservative, to oppose a nuclear freeze, to favor tougher laws against pornography, and to have voted in the last election.

Because religious conservatives sense this conflict between general television and their own values and beliefs, their viewing of religious programs is both an act of protest against general television and an expression of support for the beliefs associated with religious programs.

On the other hand, 14 per cent claimed that their viewing of religious programs was a «substitute for going to church,» and about 20 per cent said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.