Sentences with phrase «of social and economic justice»
A Vision to Help All Children Succeed Since 1966, CAP Services has been a champion for the advancement of social and economic justice.
http://www.pyramidmodel.org/
Since 2008, I have been fundraising across Washington state to help nonprofits sustainably carry out missions of social and economic justice.
The Human Rights Clinic (HRC) works for the promotion of social and economic justice globally and in the U.S..
«Action to mitigate global climate change,» the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops has declared in a statement, «must be built upon a foundation of social and economic justice that does not put the poor at greater risk or place disproportionate and unfair burdens on developing nations.»
There are disjunctions and disarticulations within and between different social spaces of the superstructure and we must work within those, in spaces of the legal and ideological systems that can be transformed in the interests of social and economic justice.
As a matter of social and economic justice, we have a moral obligation to close the wage gap,» said Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie, D.
In the week since Election Day, we've seen more than 100 years of social and economic justice advocacy and legislation threatened and the cherished diversity of American society thrown into question.
«Micah Lasher is running for State Senate to make sure a new Democratic majority makes New York what it should be — a progressive model for the nation, especially on issues of social and economic justice.»
On Saturday, a coalition of social and economic justice organizations rallied in downtown Albany to show support for presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.
Gov. Cuomo said «repealing this regressive and unfair tax on women is a matter of social and economic justice,» and he looks forward to signing the bill.
However, they were also pragmatists, and they couldn't have failed to see how democracy, which was viewed in India as inseparable from the promise of social and economic justice, and the official ideology of secular nationalism were necessary means to contain the country's many sectarian divisions.
It is to Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah that we are most apt to turn for the biblical foundations of social and economic justice.
If the prophets speak on behalf of social and economic justice, they do not preach a general abstract morality, but pointedly and specifically proclaim an election / covenant ethic, the sense of which is something like this: You shall refrain from this practice, or you shall do thus - and - so, because I am Yahweh who brought you up out of Egypt (election) and you are a people voluntarily committed in return to the performance of my righteous will (covenant).
Not exact matches
With a background in civil rights advocacy, Amina has a special appreciation for the impact of working for social and economic justice through investing and shareholder engagement.
In the key Lavigne vs. OPSEU decision of 1991, Justice Gérard La Forest explained that the unionization model in Canada ensures that unions have «both the resources and the mandate necessary to enable them to play a role in shaping the political, economic and social context within which particular collective agreements and labour relations disputes will be negotiated and resolved.»
Progressive legal theorists exploited this doctrinal disjunction to argue that the justices» opposition to economic reforms was fundamentally ideological and thus illegitimate: «If the public's evolving attitude towards liquor and lotteries had been sufficient to justify a rethinking of economic rights and federalism constraints, the argument went, then what else but the subjective policy preferences of the justices themselves could explain the Court's stubborn resistance to other, broadly popular forms of «social» legislation?»
There is little doubt that the concern for cultures and religions expresses the middle class social location of most process theologians, whereas the focus on political and economic issues and the concomitant demand for justice express the identification with the poor that is the glory of liberation theology.
This means, of course, engaging in difficult and complex decisions of justice and care, as we seek to determine the economic, social, political, and cultural rights of individuals in our own species and as we pay attention to the rights of the silent, nonvoting majority which is made up of all the other species.
At this time, when the people are moved by a strong urge for social equality and economic and political justice, there is a great need for a country - wide agency to look after their religious needs and to guide them to an understanding of the principles of Islam.
That is, many contemporary theologies tend to believe that we can derive the normative content of faith, truth and justice directly from the immediate contexts of our social, economic and political situations; at the same time, other contemporary theologies have abandoned even trying to argue that theological claims are in any sense normative.
So too, in every such location there are questions about the justice of the ways in which social, economic, and political power are distributed and how that distribution affects the people who live there.
As for the Church's social justice views — Allen mentions conservative criticism of Caritas in Veritate (while overlooking the many conservatives who applauded it)-- I wrote two separate columns for the Times of London online a) praising the essentials of that specific encyclical, and Benedict's economic and social justice teachings in general; and b) saluting Archbishop Oscar Romero, who I believe will one day be declared a saint, precisely as a champion of Catholic social justice.
He also identified himself with the struggle for human dignity and freedom and so attracts those Christians who are committed to agencies for the relief of poverty and campaigns for world - wide social and economic justice.
In my judgment, the «Social Principles» of the United Methodists, the «Statement on Economic Justice» of the Lutheran Church in America, the «Statement on Human Rights» of the United Church of Christ, and the World Council of Churches» themes of «Justice, Sustainability and Participation» are models of such efforts.
’42 Indeed, women from all three continents, Africa, Asia and Latin America, say that «In the person and praxis of Jesus Christ, women of the three continents find the grounds of our liberation from all discrimination: sexual, racial, social, economic, political and religious... Christology is integrally linked with action on behalf of social justice and the defense of each person's right to life and to a more humane life.43 This means that Christology is about apartheid, sexual exploitation, poverty and oppression.
'' We find that justice - social, economic and political - remains an unrealized dream for millions of our fellow citizens.»
It seems indifferent to the radical distinction between conventional religion — which throws the aura of sanctity on contemporary public policy, whether morally inferior or outrageously unjust — and radical religious protest — which subjects all historical reality (including economic, social and radical injustice) to the «word of the Lord,» i.e., absolute standards of justice.
In a blend of words from his public speeches, imagined conversation, and fictional situations, the book highlights Obama's real stance on social justice and, in particular, economic and political empowerment.
This new, «social justice» interpretation of the Constitution was that it should be understood to command redistribution and guarantee personal economic security.
The result is that America is a nation deeply divided between people who are concerned about real - life issues — war and peace, social justice, the health and welfare of people — on one hand, and other people who are concerned, instead, about «values,» by which they mean adherence to ancient taboos, dependence on a magical God, enforcing acceptance of ancient creeds, requiring everyone to believe as they do, and finding safety in raw (though often hidden) social and economic power.
Also, let us not forget Justice O'Connor argument from Casey about liberating women from their baby making bodies so they can help boost the GDP: «The ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives.»
It is an ideology seizing threads of environmental, social, racial, and economic justice, and interweaving them with strands of multiculturalism, gender discourse, gay rights, queer theory, post-colonialism, and anti-capitalism.
Almost without realizing it, the reader receives a primer in Enlightenment approaches to justice in times of social and economic transformation.
The Constitution says nothing about relating the democratic process to the distribution of wealth and income, and for a good reason: The social and economic prerequisites for equal standing in the democratic process depend on one's vision of social justice.
In their view, the Constitution sets the basic structure for a society in which individuals compete for life's rewards, and the competitive economic market is the mechanism of social justice.
The New Deal did not, in their estimate, constitute the hardest step in bringing about a socialized economic system; the idealistic weekly was sidestepping the crucial issues of class conflict and the factor of coercion in effecting social justice.
Then there is wisdom, human wisdom, man's intelligent ordering of his life, the serious employment of right reason, the attempt to find the proper way of life, the whole enterprise that takes form in political action and personal morality, in social work and poetry, in economic management and the building of temples, in the constant improvement of justice by changing laws, in philosophy and technology, the manifold wisdom of man which is also inscribed in the wisdom of God and which may be an expression of this wisdom, the first of all God's works that rejoiced before him when he laid the foundations of the world (Proverbs 8:22 ff.).
There has been remarkable progress in the concern for social justice and, in many countries, in the social and economic institutions which give effect to this higher sense of justice.
Even in his 1979 speech repudiating the Marxist political - theological matrix of liberation theology, Pope John Paul II reminded the bishops of Latin America that «internal and international peace will be assured only when a social and economic system based on justice takes effect».
According to Chief Justice Rehnquist, Congress» 1981 decision to augment the role of religious and other organizations in tackling the social and economic problems caused by teenage pregnancy, sexuality, and parenthood reflected «the entirely appropriate aim of increasing broad - based community involvement...» He went on to say, with respect to religious organizations in particular:
On the other hand, even when leaders are committed to seeking social justice, they have not been able to sustain a legitimate critique of poverty and injustice in America because the family ideals of the American Dream continue to be linked to democratic values and economic stability.
The reports on the Summit indicate that the market economics of the G7 - TNC - IMF - WB - WTO combination dominates through their «global governance» not only the political UN but also the UN Special Agencies for social development and justice like ILO, UNESCO, FAO, Commissions on Human Rights, Women's Development, Indigenous People etc for their goal of economic growth.
Moreover, for nearly two decades under the leadership of Dr. Norman Kurland, an economist and lawyer, the Center for Economic and Social Justice in Washington, D.C., has advised businesses as well as governments on expanded capital ownership, based on the ideas of Louis Kelso and Mortimer Adler (the latter a Thomist philosopher) in their book The Capitalist Manifesto (1958).
But the history of the voting privilege in the twentieth century shows that it takes the combined power of mass movements, economic pressures, and the Federal Government with its military force to give even a relative assurance that this requirement of justice will be realized.3 It seems, therefore, that when we move from the perspective of love to concrete issues of social strategy and political power, justice is accomplished by a confluence of historical forces and humane considerations which indeed may be enforced by love, but which must have other sources.
In 1926 John Maynard Keynes, not yet the most celebrated economist of this century, said: «The political problem of mankind is to combine three things: economic efficiency, social justice, and individual liberty.»
They embrace racial and economic justice and creation care; they affirm the full dignity and equality of women; they take for granted that faithful Christians must embrace evangelism and social action; and they hold to a biblical sexual ethic while vigorously opposing mistreatment of LGBT people and defending their appropriate civil rights.
In a brief survey I conducted in some areas in Kerala I came to know that several of them, while retaining a nominal membership in the Church, were committed to the Communist parties in their struggle for social and economic justice.
Those who are involved in small groups often claim that these groups have influenced how they think on political and economic issues — for example, raising their interest in questions of peace and social justice or, in the case of conservative religious groups, generating ire about abortion and gay rights.
Moreover, they reject King's vision of a peaceful global society characterized by economic, political and social justice and instead hold a Rambo - like vision of peace and how to attain it.
Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism - Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist - Leninist fronts.