Sentences with phrase «of social movements for»

draws on the experiences and struggles of social movements for the defence of indigenous and native seeds in Ecuador, Brazil, Costa Rica, Mexico, Honduras, Argentina, Colombia, and Guatemala.

Together we interviewed 25 obstetricians in 6 cities and plan to publish the results in an article, and later to expand this research to a full - scale study of the social movement for the humanization of birth in Latin America, focusing on Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico.

Not exact matches

But the shortcomings of one game don't mean that augmented reality itself is a flop — if anything, Pokémon Go has whetted audience hunger for a more developed take on gaming that integrates real - world movement and social interaction.

«Elimination of caucuses and conventions would mean nuclear war with the grassroots, social conservatives, the Ron Paul movement and Tea Party Republicans,» said John Tate, a senior Paul advisor who now runs the Campaign For Liberty, a libertarian grassroots lobbying group.

As social media emerges as a commerce vehicle (most recently, Twitter's «Buy Now» button makes it easier for people to purchase via a tweet), e-commerce retailers should be gearing up to be part of the movement.

Mark R. Leary, professor of psychology and neuroscience at Duke University in Durham, N.C., says that while the movement toward open spaces and «social collision» can improve creativity, different spaces are needed for different work functions.

It is therefore no shock that economists and business academics are subverting the social movement to demand corporate accountability by dismantling some of their legal advantage — most notably, personhood rights for corporations.

«Plan Canada is a global movement for change, mobilizing millions of people around the world to support social...

Ms. Caro Diaz is part of the Organizing and Capacity Building Team at the Center for Popular Democracy and provides support to social movements in Puerto Rico struggling against the debt and austerity measures proposed by a Fiscal Control Board.

That Alberta has a government that is committed to Green principles which include, but are not limited to, the 6 principles of the world - wide Green Party movement — Ecological wisdom, Social justice, Participatory democracy, Non-violence, Sustainability and Respect for diversity.

But for all that, the proposals of the gay movement can not, as the social science jargon puts it, be instantiated.

Ryan's advocacy for cutting taxes and trimming the deficit — he is the architect of the GOP's proposed federal budget — married with his willingness to talk about fiscal belt - tightening in moral terms and his low - key social conservatism speak to a political moment in which the economic concerns of the Tea Party and the social focus of the Christian right have merged into a relatively cohesive anti-Obama movement.

The fact is that before the civil rights movement the republicans in the south were recieving plenty of aid, and as soon as the social programs for blacks began kicking in suddenly no one wanted to pay taxes anymore.

But in 1974 at the second national workshop of Evangelicals for Social Action, one proposal that was endorsed as a valid way to implement the Chicago Declaration of Evangelical Social Concern called for a movement of evangelical, nonviolent direct action.

And the thing wherein humanity suffers most is not in the mere shedding of blood, but the halting and inevitable turning back of those movements which during the long period of peace have been making for a new humanity, a new social order.

Finally, there remains one pressing objection: Is not an appeal for an activist movement of direct, albeit nonviolent, confrontation with evil social structures fundamentally incompatible with Jesus» call for nonresistance?

Two generations before the internet and social networking, the minister and grandfather of the self - help movement, Norman Vincent Peale, founded Guideposts as a place for what would eventually come to be known as user - generated content.

When we have emphasized to the full the immense gains made possible by the separation of the Christian movement from a special national state, we need also to remember that thereby the early Christian movement escaped practical administrative responsibility for the most difficult social problems that mankind faces.

We believe greatly in this dimension, the sharing of work, research, analysis, social movements, with a constant dialectic movement between the two and we need instruments for what we call the «pedagogy of the possible», since many things have become possible, but need instruments to enable them to be implemented.

The third element of our discussion dealt with the type of collaboration between the different social movements, NGOs, etc and the different types of alliance which could be established for action.

Special programs have been established in ethnic studies and in women's studies, for example, that address the needs of some students and support certain social movements.

Seligman considers whether, in a time of atomized anomie, new social movements such as feminism or gay rights might provide an incipient civil society for their adherents.

Our task is to work hard, master the arguments (scientific, ethical, philosophical, social), understand the history of how we arrived here, defy the temptation to give up through boredom, build a coherent movement of defiance, and thereby prepare if not ourselves, then at least the next generation, for the moment when the revolution collapses under the weight of its own delusions and contradictions.

For our purposes, the most satisfactory definition would be: Christianity is the total life of the community of men and women who respond to what they know about God — along with their neighbors, who are caught up into the social movement or process we call «the church» (however this may be understood)-- in terms of the socially remembered event of Jesus Christ.

If by «liberation» people mean that Christian thought and life are to be socially engaged, committed to those forms of systemic change necessary for the greater actualization of social justice, and open to the dynamic movements of the Spirit among the people, then there is little doubt: the Social Gospel is America's indigenous form of liberation thesocial justice, and open to the dynamic movements of the Spirit among the people, then there is little doubt: the Social Gospel is America's indigenous form of liberation theSocial Gospel is America's indigenous form of liberation theology.

It is necessary to remember that such a paradigm shift does not occur overnight - paradigm shifts generally occur over a long period of time, with pockets of thought frequently unaffected by the new for a long period, and often with movement taking place back and forth between paradigms until the new paradigm becomes «settled» and existing social systems are reintegrated.

Evangelicals for Social Action, a group that has struggled for traction and identity since it framed the Thanksgiving Declaration of 1973, has regathered its strength around a new board of directors representing many sectors of the evangelical movement.

The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «liberal» because it was concerned for church union and social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.

the Church has been feeding and caring for the poor long before the Social Gospel movement of the 1800s.

Obama is a progressive Christian who blends the emotional fire of the African - American church, the ecumenical outlook of contemporary Protestantism, and the activism of the Social Gospel, a late 19th - century movement whose leaders faulted American churches for focusing too much on personal salvation while ignoring the conditions that led to pervasive poverty.

Perhaps the most effective mobilization of church power for social change in recent decades has been on the part of black churches in the south in support of the civil rights movement.

While many homosexuals are only asking for tolerance, the gay - rights movement is clearly engaged in a power struggle for the redesign of the social order.

It's no secret that JAY - Z has been one of the most influential artists in the hip - hop industry for over a decade, but Jay has really been making moves for social justice lately, especially for the Black Lives Matter movement.

But it came to be associated not only with religious but also with caste political overtones, and came into conflict with the anti-Brahmin movements of depressed castes who were organizing separately for separate political strength to bring about cultural and social change aimed at elevating their status in the body politic; it also made the conversion into other religious communities, of the depressed sections of Hinduism as well as of the Tribals partially Hinduised and moving more fully in that direction, to be seen as a weakening of the Hindu community and a strengthening of other religious communities as political entities.

Buber is not advocating a simple substitution of one social structure for another but a direction of movement, a «restructuring.»

He has from the earliest stages of his theological work emphasized the need and responsibility of Christians to get immersed into social action and movements as a theological imperative for our times.

From a sociological perspective, Campos asserts that Latin American Pentecostalism offers symbolic mediation for what he calls the «the affirmation of popular hope,» because it is both a spiritual movement which transforms the individual and a movement of symbolic protest in a society which denies the dispossessed the chance to achieve or to participate in social organization.

At the same time, it provides grounds for a sympathetic critique of the charismatic movement's foibles, as well as of the foibles of evangelicals and social activists.

David Hubbard, for example, in his taped remarks on the future of evangelicalism to a colloquium at Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary in Denver in 1977 noted the following areas of tension among evangelicals: women's ordination, the charismatic movement, ecumenical relations, social ethics, strategies of evangelism, Biblical criticism, Biblical infallibility, contextual theology in non-Western cultures, and the churchly applications of the behavioral sciences.2 If such a list is more exhaustive than those topics which this book has pursued, it nevertheless makes it clear that the foci of the preceding chapters have at least been representative.

As the changing socio - economic conditions of nineteenth - century urban, industrial America demanded of the church a reassessment of its understanding of people in society, it was the Social Gospel movement which arose to take seriously the reality of corporate sin and the need for corporate response.

Last year, my wife, Bobbie, led a movement on social media called #middaybabymidday — mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people to set their alarms for midday and pray for the nations, to warfare against darkness and take a stand against the enemy that his plans shall not prosper.

I do not pretend to understand all the reasons for this gradual drying up of the Protestant imagination in America — and the failure of creativity at the symbolic level should not blind us to the continuing power of the Protestant impulse in personal character and social movements.

Many of their followers were and are inclined to substitute for the questions of meaning, value, and truth, an inquiry into the social origin, the sociological structure, and the social efficacy of a religious group or movement.

Although maintaining an emphasis on individual transformation as the key, recent years have witnessed a movement beyond this exclusive focus to advocate the need for transformation on all levels — individual, interpersonal, institutional, and political — and the explicit valuation of social engagement as part of committed spiritual practice.

Yet, for the past decade; the organized ecumenical movement has been viewed with indifference, if not suspicion, by Christians who have preferred to cultivate their personal spiritual gardens, to pursue various sorts of denominational consolidation and reorganization, or to wrestle with the relation of faith to social issues in abstraction from the struggle for the integrity of the social reality of the church.

Many movements for social change, while seeking to halt violence or injustice, too often simply recast who is right and who is wrong, who is «us» and who is «them,» without challenging the paradigmatic assumption of duality.

Evidence that the drive for meaning is still alive and well in contemporary society is to be found in a number of current social movements (interestingly, some of these groups find it convenient to use church facilities as their meeting place).

It will also be interesting to see if increased participation of New Thought adherents in movements for social change alters the discourse and the strategies of those movements.

The Nicaraguan people's overthrow of a U.S. - backed dictatorship in 1979 and the existence of popularly based movements for social change throughout the region had caused great concern in Washington.

By «liberal theology» I mean the movement in modern Protestantism which during the nineteenth century tried to bring Christian thought into organic unity with the evolutionary world view, the movements for social reconstruction, and the expectations of «a better world» which dominated the general mind.