Sentences with phrase «of social revolutionaries»

The site the artist chose is significant with regard to his field research; different themes and areas of interest in Zink Yi's work intersect in the portrait of Havana: the utopian visions of social revolutionaries, the stark reality of socialism, the cults and rites of the Afro - Cuban population.

Not exact matches

The well - liked Altman's style is revolutionary in the social discourse of the valley in its lack of condescension, yet remaining fiery and empowering.

Others were returned to the list after a year or more away, like Warby Parker, which has brought its revolutionary internet brand to brick - and - mortar; and Foursquare, which has harnessed its treasure - trove of data to become much more than a social network.

Etsy is a revolutionary company that combines the power of e-commerce and social networks with the ancient idea of craftsmanship.

As one of the founders of MTV networks (and the person who is credited with coining the aforementioned phrase), Freston helped build a revolutionary vertical that caught the attention of America's youth well before the days of social media.

Fiancia Limited is offering the first revolutionary platform for people to trade crypto currencies online in a simple transparent and more enjoyable way by using social network investment strategies of copy trading with the help of team having experience of decades.

Although the language of May 1968 had a Maoist flavor and coincided with an enormous labor strike, the revolutionaries loathed the internal discipline and staunch nationalism of the Communist party and the social conservatism of the working class.

This habit is shared, not only by revolutionaries, but also by constitutionally - minded socialists, and even by many who would describe themselves as liberals, and who locate the instrument of social transformation not in violent confrontation, but in law.

Attention has been paid to the art, music, literature, furniture, and fine arts as well as the cultural and social mores of the Revolutionary epoch.

On the other hand, they admit that the world of power and injustice is the expression of sin; and indeed it is «in the heart of revolutionary negation of that sinful reality that God's «No» becomes audible in the social domain.»

In any case, when Shaull resumes a theological point of view he rediscovers in a theology the theses mentioned above: Christianity is revolutionary, it deconsecrates, it orients us toward a future that is always to be created, messianism must not be forgotten on earth, and the kingdom of God is a dynamic reality which judges the social order.

(As examples I cite Richard Shaull, «Revolutionary Change in Theological Perspective,» and H. D. Wendlend, «The Theology of the Responsible Society,» in Christian Social Ethics in a Changing World, John C. Bennett, ed.

«new earth,» whatever the method of its coming, was a revolutionary social expectation.

Duff spoke of an intellectual and social revolutionary ferment at work among the educated sections of India through the impact of western power and culture and wanted the Missions to enter that revolution to make it serve as an instrument of the civilizing and evangelizing mission of Britain in India.

When we use political or revolutionary means, when we declare that violence will change the social system we are thus fighting in defense of the disinherited, our violence demolishes the spiritual power of prayer and bars the intervention of the Holy Spirit.

For the revolutionaries, a complete breakthrough to the modern was impossible without a secularism robust and unremitting enough to displace and reoccupy the social and intellectual space of a church, ancestrally embedded in the political order of the ancien régime.

This cluster of teachings represents one of the most revolutionary social doctrines ever conceived.

In the revolutionary narrative, some irresistible spirit of progress «speaks,» while a courageous group of social rebels» not theologically trained ascetics» shows us how it's done, medieval style.

In the Conference on Church and Society (Geneva, 1966), considered «the first genuinely «world» conference on social issues» because of equal representation by all the continents, there were strong demands for the churches to take a more active role in «promoting a world - wide revolutionary opposition to the capitalist political and economic system being imposed on the new nations by the Western industrial countries which was leading to new types of colonialism and oppression» (Albrecht, DEM 1991: 936).

He would like to see liberation theology take its cues from base communities» populist «grass - roots communitarian democracy» and then extend this «populism» into a liberalism that, contra Marx, offers «democracy and equality to all human beings, regardless of sex, race or social class (Rousseau)» Sigmund's agenda would purge liberation theology of much of its «early revolutionary fervor,» but in its dialogue with liberalism it would still perform «a radical «prophetic» role in reminding complacent elites of the religious obligation of social solidarity, and in combating oppression.»

The essence of the «Neo-Monastic» movement is the revolutionary idea that we can replace the social order from the inside out; The essence of the «Emergent Church» is that we are not bound by the failures of the historic Church even while we can be empowered by its successes; The essence of Scripture is that we are all called to love God and love all God's children.

The American novus ordo, with its revolutionary form of social life — the voluntary association — demonstrates that ordered liberty and human rights are products of social arrangements that give primacy to both persons and communities.

The etymology of the term «Dalit» goes back to the 19th century when a Marathi social reformer and revolutionary Mahatma Jyotirao Phule used it to describe the «outcastes» and «untouchables» as the «oppressed and crushed victims of the Indian caste system.»

You may be able to offer many more examples: a prophet of Islam, a New Age «Master», a rebel against Rome, a social revolutionary, a «wise teacher», a «typical» healer.

But I would just mention them, namely the science - based technology which gives power to humans to control and engineer with material, social and even psychic forces to achieve purposes and goals for the future chosen by humans; the revolutionary social changes produced by the revolts of the poor and the oppressed in all societies; and the break - up of the traditional religious integration of societies and their reintegration by the State.

It is therefore not wrong to interpret cosmos itself as a movement from mechanical matter through organic life to the spiritual human selfhood, and to interpret human history itself as the evolutionary or revolutionary enlargement of the human selfhood and its spiritual self - determination and its social and cosmic responsibility.

Careful analysis of causes of cultural and social changes reveal the part religion plays in the fomentation of the revolutionary and evolutionary development of society.

Just as Jesus rejected both the politics of the Sadducees and the revolutionary violence of the Zealots, so his followers must embody not with their weapons but with their lives a counter social ethic.

George Will zeroes in on the cause in no uncertain terms: «Karl Marx, who had a Reaganesque respect for capitalism's transforming power, got one thing right: Capitalism undermines traditional social structures and values; it is a relentless engine of change, a revolutionary inflamer of appetites, enlarger of expectations, diminisher of patience.»

It turns out that Pope Francis's sometimes shrill, dire, and even revolutionary rhetoric about the regnant global system has been truer to social reality than most of us have been willing to admit.

In some churches today, it has become popular to think of Christ as a social activist, or a political revolutionary.

The history of ecumenical social thought has not seriously treated the question of totalitarian and revolutionary powers; it has only reacted to it.

The gospel is a revolutionary social force precisely because it does confront individuals with the living God of the Bible.

communis — common, universal) is a revolutionary socialist movement to create a classless, moneyless, and stateless social order structured upon common ownership of the means of production, as well as a social, political and economic ideology that aims at the establishment of this social order.

It is another for a community of faith to become also a community of social thought at a revolutionary time.»

Biblical scholars concerned with the roles of men and women in biblical cultures point out that the love ethic of the early church was so revolutionary in its day that it was considered a threat to social order in the Roman Empire.

Although Pope John Paul II has made clear his disagreement with the revolutionary approach of liberation theologians, Catholic social teaching is more radical than the popular opinion of the present Pope, based on his views about birth control and sexual morality, might suggest.

While not all is licensed among Christians, a striving for personal rectitude is being replaced by a sense of liberal or revolutionary social «responsibility.»

The revolutionary social, economic, and intellectual developments in post-Civil War America stimulated within Protestantism attempts to develop a new prophetic ministry which would exercise critical judgment on the injustices which accompanied the radical changes of the period and would point the way to a new application of the gospel to the social needs of the time.

Earliest Christianity began as a renewal movement within Judaism brought into being through Jesus.22 The examples of Jesus, his radical and revolutionary action against the Jewish social and religious norms, indeed became a challenge to women and for women in their ministry.23 His attitude to women is one that is radical particularly when viewed in the light of his historical context.

If more scholars come to accept the thesis that many of the New Testament writers were arguing with Roman rulers and their collaborators, that does not necessarily mean they will conclude that Jesus was primarily a political reformer or social revolutionary.

Modernity is represented by three forces - first, the revolution in the relation of humanity to nature, signified by science and technology; second, the revolutionary changes in the concept of justice in the social relations between fellow human beings indicated by the self - awakening of all oppressed and suppressed humans to their fundamental human rights of personhood and peoplehood, especially to the values of liberty and equality of participation in power and society; thirdly, the break - up of the traditional integration of state and society with religion, in response to religious pluralism on the one hand and the affirmation of the autonomy of the secular realm from the control of religion on the other».

France saw the development too of profound theology and of movements to solve the social problems brought by the revolutionary age.

The few available attempts to link Whiteheadian metaphysics with political categories can be illustrated in the works of A. H. Johnson and Samuel Beer.1 Essentially, they become exercises in identifying which existing political alternative — liberal democracy, social - revolutionary democracy, fascism, etc. — is most synonymous with Whitehead's formulations.

To his delight the Town Council had issued a revolutionary Ordinance of the City of Wittenberg (24 January 1522), ordering the surrender of various Church revenues and some plate, including the funds of as many as twenty - one sodalities, much of it spent on social evenings and the like.

In such societies, this picture of what it is to understand God tends to be best sustained in relatively small Christian communities that can retain a degree of communal identity in the midst of these social changes without moving to the margins of social turmoil and withdrawing from active participation in the reformist or revolutionary movements that cause the changes.

Of course, Troeltsch still had to go through World War I, see his church changed, and serve in a revolutionary government before his last thought on social order was written.

From time to time thinkers and pastors, identified at the time by authority as «heretics», seen by others as prophets, and by some historians now as social revolutionaries, reached the conclusion that the Christian Gospel spoke of a body of Christians, of an incipient «Church», of a kind far removed from the type of political and economic structure maintained by Roman Canon Law.

To social critics the devotion to family and to communal celebration seem bland and retrograde goals better perhaps than consumption and shopping but not exactly the stuff of bold designs and revolutionary politics.

The French Revolutionaries engaged in massive social experiment that invited a new kind of reflections about what kind of society is desirable.