Sentences with phrase «of socialist movements»

The mythical power of popular music, the transformative promise of socialist movements and the trickery and concealment of politicians, oligarchs and big businesses all come under the spotlight as Deller assembles large - scale murals, drawings, photographs, film and historical materials to question what Englishness really means today.

«Nowhere, as far as I see, in the history of the Socialist movement,» writes Buber, «were men so deeply involved in the process of differentiation and yet so intent on preserving the principle of integration.»

Social justice was very much the emphasis of the Socialist movement of India in its opposition to capitalism.

While Heilbroner issued somber warnings about the possible effects of the apparent victory of capitalism, his remarks helped symbolize the intellectual disarray of the socialist movement.

[6] Again at this time, the violent repression of the socialist movement led to the deterioration of the hope for «heaven» / justice on earth among the working class.

Thus the 1871 lyrics of the Internationale were initially also set to the tune of the Marseillaise, until 1888 when its original music was composed and the song became the standard anthem of the socialist movement.

In this sense, Speth's arguments are not far from that of the socialist movement of the twenty - first century, which is aimed at the core values of social justice and ecological sustainability.

I tend to have left wing views on most issues, but I have never been comfortable with the orthodoxy (which most of the Socialist movement shares with extreme right wing neo-liberals) that open borders and population growth are inherently good things.

http://www.smh.com.au/news/environment/gore-gets-a-cold-shoulder/2007/10/13/1191696238792.html You're all tools of the socialist movement to destroy out economy and way of life.

Not exact matches

The Popular Unity Candidacy joins a line of far - left movements seizing the political momentum in Europe, from Greece's ruling Syriza party and Spain's own far - left Podemos movement to the shock emergence last week of hardcore socialist Jeremy Corbyn as leader of Britain's Labour Party.

The Waffle movement of the 1960s and 1970s was the party's last manifesto insurgence, with a Manifesto for an Independent Socialist Canada and plans to nationalize industry.

The laws of one's nation as in the U.S.A. gives its» people the right to choose their socialists» whatever motion whichever way they so choose to wander about as long as their communal movements do fall in line of lawfulness.

The leader of the Hitler Youth stated «the destruction of Christianity was explicitly recognized as a purpose of the National Socialist movement» from the start, but «considerations of expedience made it impossible» publicly to express this extreme position.

If the socialist movement writes off the new productive forces of the consciousness industry and relegates work on the media to a subculture, then we have a vicious circle.

In Western Europe the socialist movement mainly addresses itself to a public of converts through newspapers and journals which are exclusive in terms of language, content, and form.

«We are also convinced that the activity of the National Socialist movement has averted the danger of an all - destroying atheistic Bolshevism.

I absolutely do not say that defense of the poor through socialist movements is wrong.

The scholars who study Islamic culture today point out that the chief factors which have influenced contemporary Arab Muslim society are: the Western ideas which penetrated Arab society through education and increased contact with the West, socialist concepts which have spread throughout the world, communist doctrines which challenge religion in general, the expansion of university education, the admission of Muslim women to higher education, the study of ancient and modern philosophy in the universities, and the modern Muslim movements which have been so influential.

Such was the case with the former neo-Nazi leader Ingo Hasselbach, who reports that the East German National Socialist skinhead movement was born of disaffected but essentially apolitical youths who discovered Nazism only when the state and other hated authority figures labeled them as «neo-Nazis.»

One can see how an emphasis on such would be wrong for a socialist movement, yes, but what about the mere reality of the phenomenon?

The conclusion seems inescapable that, though Heidegger was an official member of the National Socialist Party for a little less than a year, the movement of his thinking traveled along the same waves as other proto - Nazi thought of his day.

The labor movement that might have shared his Social Gospel vision — the Knights of Labor — died before he rose to prominence in socialist circles.

Arguing that it was theologically justifiable to have a patriotic love for China, and for Christians to be loyal citizens of the emerging socialist state, the movement declared that the Chinese Protestant church should be self - governing, self - supporting and self - propagating — hence the term «Three - Self.»

It represents the culmination of his 15 years of identification with the «religious socialist» movement in Germany, dating back to the time just after World War I when he was called on the carpet by the synodical consistory in Berlin to account for his appearance as a lecturer at a meeting of the Independent Social Democratic Party — a party which, from the synod's standpoint, had added to the injury of being socialist the insult of having been antiwar as well.

And whereas once the socialist kibbutz movement produced a disproportionate number of military officers, today an outsized proportion comes from Modern Orthodox communities.

communis — common, universal) is a revolutionary socialist movement to create a classless, moneyless, and stateless social order structured upon common ownership of the means of production, as well as a social, political and economic ideology that aims at the establishment of this social order.

Regardless, I can't understand why our church is joining and supporting the rabid atheist social justice movements of the socialist, who are openly and actively destroying Christianity across the world.

Though its electoral successes were widespread at the local and state level the success of the early Socialist Party as a movement with mass was very much linked to the personality of Eugene V. Debs who polled nearly a million votes in the presidential campaign of 1912.

But there are concepts of socialism and socialist movements in the world that reject the Stalinist model.

Every movement to make America more fully realize its professed values has grown out of some form of public theology, from the abolitionists to the social gospel and the early socialist party to the civil rights movement under Martin Luther King and the farm workers» movement under Caesar Chavez.

Bastian Wielenga of the Centre for Social Analysis says, «In peoples» movements such as the National Fish - workers» Forum (NFF), the Narmada Bachan Andolan, the Socialist Front, Jan Vikas Andolan, Chilika Bachao Andolan and the National Federation of Construction Labour which are cooperating in the NAPM, the victims of the dominant development politics are raising their voice and begin to project alternatives.

This concept was supported vigorously by important labor and left - wing Zionist groups, including the radical Marxist Ha - Shomer Ha - Tzair kibbutz movement, the Ahdut Ha - Avodah socialist party, the Poale Zion Smol (Left Workers of Zion) party, and the Mapam party (which at one time embraced the other groups); and by such significant political figures as Haim Margalit - Kalvarisky (a member of the Zionist Executive), Bert Katznelson (a founder of Ahdut Ha - Avodah and of the Histradut federation of labor), and Henrietta Szold (the first woman member of the Zionist Executive and founder of Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organization of America).

Pointing out these things, of course, is not to endorse the ideology of the National Socialist movement or to admire the personality of its leader.

The events in Nuremberg not only help us to understand the spirit of the new Germany, but provide some grounds for expecting that the harsher undertones of the National Socialist movement will come to be muted as the NSDAP attains political respectability.

The Catholic hierarchy at times has been supportive of lay involvement in socialist movements, but it has opposed the public commitment of priests to any particular political party or programme.

During the early years he was a leader of the «religious socialist» movement.

Fox tells the story from beginning to end: childhood in the German - American parsonage; nine grades of school followed by three years in a denominational «college» that was not yet a college and three year's in Eden Seminary, with graduation at 21; a five - month pastorate due to his father's death; Yale Divinity School, where despite academic probation because he had no accredited degree, he earned the B.D. and M.A.; the Detroit pastorate (1915 - 1918) in which he encountered industrial America and the race problem; his growing reputation as lecturer and writer (especially for The Christian Century); the teaching career at Union Theological Seminary (1928 - 1960); marriage and family; the landmark books Moral Man and Immoral Society and The Nature and Destiny of Man; the founding of the Fellowship of Socialist Christians and its journal Radical Religion; the gradual move from Socialist to liberal Democratic politics, and from leader of the Fellowship of Reconciliation to critic of pacifism; the break with Charles Clayton Morrison's Christian Century and the inauguration of Christianity and Crisis; the founding of the Union for Democratic Action, then later of Americans for Democratic Action; participation in the ecumenical movement, especially the Oxford Conference and the Amsterdam Assembly; increasing friendship with government officials and service with George Kennan's policy - planning group in the State Department; the first stroke in 1952 and the subsequent struggles with ill health; retirement from Union in 1960, followed by short appointments at Harvard, at the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, and at Columbia's Institute of War and Peace Studies; intense suffering from ill health; and death in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in 1971.

He adopted it apparently to respond head - on to the critics who considered any movement in behalf of working people to be socialist.

In varying degrees, that hubris characterized fascism in all its historical forms: the Rexist movement in Belgium, the Spanish Falange, the Romanian Iron Guard, the French Fascists surrounding Jacques Doriot, and of course Mussolini's Italian thugs and Hitler's monstrous National Socialists.

An important point to note is that the concept of a country is fairly new; I have read, and agree, that modern states did not become such an important unit of human organization until the Great Depression in the 1930s; at that time the problems facing them - broken economies and socialist movements - the country level government was the only organization existing that could solve these problems while the existing power structure stayed in power.

Born in 1935, Paul was educated at Bury Grammar School and Manchester University, where he began his career in the labour movement as chair of the Manchester Federation of Young Socialists.

Moreover, this debate is not new, with the nascent labour and socialist movements of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries contesting both the legacy and the contemporary relevance of this historic charter.

Interestingly, this protest movement does not seem to be drawing inspiration from a purely left - wing or right - wing agenda; although it is the «founding fathers» of the Israeli right that are frequently quoted and praised (perhaps nostalgically) rather than the country's socialist founders.

The British socialist and labour movements of the late nineteenth - and early twentieth - century chose to view Magna Carta as an important symbol to invoke in their own struggles against the current system and its abuses.

Since the leadership election, Jeremy Corbyn has made it his priority to turn Labour into a democratic socialist party with the support of social movements.

Watson stated: «These three documents outline a concerted strategy for members of the AWL to infiltrate (or, to use the language of the documents, «intervene») in the Labour Party» with the explicit intention of influencing the party to indoctrinate «more people of revolutionary socialist ideas,» «advance and transform the wider labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.»

They were proudly part of a movement, a socialist trade union movement.

Not among the true believers, of course (they'll never cotton to the notion of a Kenyan socialist Muslim in the White House) but if the anti-Obamacare movement turns out to look like hysteria, many voters casually inclined toward the Tea Party might just start to question what Fox, et al, have been telling them all around for the last half - decade.

The second problem is that Momentum has become a battleground between three groups within the movement: the traditional (and by now rather old) Labour left, sometimes referred to as Bennites; younger, politically - engaged campaigners; and members of the various small political groupings to the left of the Labour Party, such as The Socialist Workers Party, Alliance for Workers» Liberty and the remnants of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

Milliband should be clear that there will be no in - out referendum under a Labour government because we are for the EU, Labour is the party of Europe, but we want, in alliance with labour movements throughout the EU, to renegotiate its founding treaties which are currently tearing it apart in accordance with our own socialist principles such as an EU - wide living wage and EU - wide full employment.