As Richard Whitmire and I proposed earlier this year, simply requiring gender to be measured as part
of subgroup accountability would do plenty to force states and districts into dealing seriously with this problem.
If only the Obama administration would stop forcing states to continue some form
of subgroup accountability and allow for more «race - neutral» approaches, then there could be more innovation in accountability that may further systemic reform.
Not exact matches
Both NCLB and its successor, the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), left the choice
of minimum
subgroup size at the school level (n - size) for
accountability purposes to the states.
[1] The
subgroup requirements for
accountability in NCLB were designed to reveal underperformance
of disadvantaged groups that could otherwise be hidden — inadvertently or not — in aggregate averages.
«Ensuring Equity in ESSA: The Role
of N - Size in
Subgroup Accountability.»
The
subgroup requirements for
accountability in the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) were designed to reveal underperformance
of disadvantaged groups that could otherwise be hidden in aggregate averages.
Hence, it is
of particular interest to understand the effect
of NCLB
accountability on specific student
subgroups.
In its analysis
of the eleven waiver applications, the Center on Education Policy found that nine state applicants will base almost all
accountability decisions on the achievement
of only two students groups; i.e., all students and a «disadvantaged» student group or «super
subgroup.»
CAP has praised states in the past for lowering their n - sizes, but their plan to have fewer students «count» toward a school's
accountability rating would mean less attention on important
subgroups of students.
Dee and Jacob convincingly show that certain
subgroups of children attending schools in states with weak
accountability regimes prior to NCLB partially caught up with children in states with stronger programs.
ESSA requires states to «establish a system
of meaningfully differentiating, on an annual basis, all public schools in the State, which shall be based on all indicators in the State's
accountability system... for all students and for each
subgroup of students.»
With respect to the research on test - based
accountability, Principal Investigator Jimmy Kim adds: «While we embrace the overall objective
of the federal law — to narrow the achievement gap among different
subgroups of students — NCLB's test - based
accountability policies fail to reward schools for making progress and unfairly punish schools serving large numbers
of low - income and minority students.
While this replaces the statutory approach
of basing all
accountability decisions on the separate performance
of numerous student
subgroups, including students from low - income families, the assessment results for all
of these «disadvantaged» student
subgroups designated in the ESEA statute must be reported each year and must be taken into account in determining performance consequences for public schools.
States operating Title I programs under ESEA
accountability waivers often combine some
of the ESEA's designated
subgroups, or use one or more new
subgroups, for some or all
of their primary
accountability determinations.
Ensure that all students in tested grades are included in the assessment and
accountability system, hold schools and districts accountable for the performance
of each student
subgroup and include all schools and districts;
In many waiver states, some
of the primary
accountability determinations, such as the selection
of Priority schools, are based on the performance
of all students plus students in a limited number
of demographic
subgroups.
The organizations oppose the draft Student Success Act because «it abandons
accountability for the achievement and learning gains
of subgroups of disadvantaged students who for generations have been harmed by low academic expectations.
The federal government is permitting many schools to escape
accountability for the progress
of racial or ethnic
subgroups under the No Child Left Behind Act, according to a computer analysis released by the Associated Press last week.
States must include each major racial / ethnic
subgroup in school
accountability systems and can not use a combined «super
subgroup»
of minority students.
The intent
of that law was to prevent schools from hiding
subgroups of students from the
accountability structure and was not aimed at preventing parents from refusing to have their children tested.
Tightens the screws on NCLB's «
subgroup accountability,» requiring schools to hit targets on dozens
of indicators in order to avoid stigmas and sanctions.
State
accountability systems must expect the «continuous improvement»
of all public schools in «the academic achievement and academic growth
of all students,» including
subgroups.
Or maybe it's not exactly gone, in the mind
of folks who yearn for Uncle Sam to mandate
accountability models that obsess about achievement gaps and give failing grades to any school with low proficiency rates for any
subgroups.
It goes something like this: Step away from federal heavy - handedness around states»
accountability and teacher credentialing systems; keep plenty
of transparency
of results in place, especially test scores disaggregated by racial and other
subgroups; offer incentives for embracing promising reforms instead
of mandates; and give school districts a lot more flexibility to move their federal dollars around as they see fit.
How to define the «students in foster care»
subgroup for the purposes
of accountability is an open question, but nevertheless they must be reported on.
A number
of states have little or no
accountability for the graduation rate
accountability of subgroups.
The Politics K - 12 Team at Education Week surveyed all 50 states regarding their use
of «super
subgroups» in their NCLB waivers that «can no longer be used in place
of individual
subgroups of student for
accountability purposes» under ESSA.
As a result, underperforming SWD would continue to fall behind without an
accountability system that incentivizes states and districts to close achievement gaps between
subgroups of students.
Before federal education officials exempted Indiana from the national
accountability law, schools tracked the performance
of students in every socioeconomic and ethnic «
subgroup» in their building.
In a letter sent to the Education Department today, these groups express deep concerns about waiver implementation, from how graduation rates are factored into state
accountability systems to how
subgroups of at - risk students are being helped.
Teachers: you can work night and day with a
subgroup, show gains in learning
of 1 to 2 years from your students beginning
of the year baseline, yet if your gains don't meet AYP Proficiency under differentiated
accountability — you and your kids will be deemed failures.
Includes STAAR results for students previously identified as English learners in the English learner student
subgroup for purposes
of school
accountability, for up to four years after the student ceases to be an English learner.
The administration also failed to fully address other concerns: For example, it granted Georgia a waiver in spite
of concerns that it didn't include graduation rate data for poor and minority kids into its proposed
accountability system, the College and Career Ready Performance Index, which effectively meant that «a school could earn a high CCRPI with low graduation rates for some
subgroups».
Members point to regulations that insert comparability
of teacher salaries, define a threshold for classroom size
of subgroups, condense
accountability development timelines, and require states to apply a single summative rating (
accountability) to schools.
Creating a «combined
subgroup» seems to undermine this stated purpose
of accountability.
The 100 percent proficiency target set by No Child, for example, was an ambitious statement that all kids should get the education they need to write their own life stories, while AYP's emphasis on
subgroup accountability made clear that states, districts, and schools need to do well by all children, regardless
of who they are.
After much debate, the legislation allows the inclusion
of former English learners in the English learner
subgroup for
accountability purposes for up to four years.
Student demographic and assessment data has long been shared as part
of the
accountability process; it's how states gauge their performance and the performance
of demographic
subgroups against each other and national norms.
All
of California's public schools are held to higher levels
of accountability to improve the academic performance
of these
subgroups.
Rather than link school and district
accountability to the percentage
of student overall and
subgroup performance at these bands, the state devised a system that obfuscates actual student performance.
In exchange, states implemented systems
of differentiated
accountability in which they identified and intervened in their lowest - performing schools («Priority» schools) and schools with the largest achievement gaps between
subgroups of students («Focus» schools).
While we appreciate CDE's proposal to disaggregate student
subgroup data in achievement (not just growth, as was the case in previous frameworks), as well as the Department's commitment to ensuring transparency
of subgroup performance data in reporting, we strongly encourage CDE to reconsider the adoption
of a combined
subgroup for
accountability purposes, which would have significant implications for educational equity.
She will further argue for
accountability systems that look at the growth and performance
of all students as well as
subgroups of children.
His amendments, for example, would require state
accountability systems to set performance, growth, and graduation targets for all students, including all
subgroups of students, and make performance against those targets matter for all schools.
State
accountability systems must meaningfully hold schools accountable if fewer than 95 percent
of all students or
of any
subgroup of students were not included in the state's assessment.
The first
of its kind to be granted to districts as opposed to states, the waiver will allow the eight districts to implement a new
accountability model called the School Quality Improvement System which is based on a holistic vision
of student success, a collective moral imperative to prepare all students for college and career, and an emphasis on eliminating disparities between
subgroups of students.
CAP believes that Congress should provide states with the flexibility to establish an
accountability system that takes into account the performance and progress
of all students and
subgroups of students across multiple academic indicators.
Yet given that achievement gaps are present in schools that are both high - and low - performing overall, a policy that restricts
subgroup accountability to an arbitrary number or a percentage
of schools — such as only the lowest - performing schools in a state — is not enough to address existing achievement disparities.
Among their top concerns are the incorporation
of super
subgroups within state
accountability systems, graduation rate calculations that include students who receive GEDs, and a lack
of transparency and clarity about schools» performance.
The waivers may allow for the possibility
of states targeting gender for
subgroup accountability (and thus, addressing the crisis
of low educational attainment among young men
of all socioeconomic and racial backgrounds) on their own.