Hence, many studies have also shown that Asian ethnic minority families who practice something similar to authoritarian parenting (a parenting style which scored poorly to mediocre in the studies
of white middle class families) apparently result in children who excel both academically and socially.
This sort of thing rings
of white middle class privilege, no offense to the organizers — it's just how these things tend to be and get propagated.
It evokes a quiet style
of White middle class comfort, which many Americans do not live.
In the late 1970s, 69 % of black middle class families (defined by occupation) had wives that were employed compared to only 51.6 %
of white middle class families (Landry, 1978).
In my view the fact that parliament is still largely comprised
of white middle class men who look and sound the same is a significant part of the problem.
The political left has taken up this principle with enthusiasm - in fact, it often feels like there's an army
of white middle class left - wingers looking for things to be offended by on other people's behalf.
Feminists claimed that Niebuhr's thought was profoundly mysoginist: his delineation of the sin of sensuality was a rehash of the traditional denial of bodiliness, associated with the oppression of women, and the sin of pride, historically, was not a sin of women but
of white middle class males; the sin of women was the lack of self - affirmation, the sin of «hiding» (in the kitchen).
The cultural decline
of the white middle class doesn't get discussed.
Not exact matches
One
of the biggest miscalculations among Democrats has to do with the level
of suffering among disaffected working
class and
middle white folks.
In a letter to U.S. Comptroller General Gene Dodaro, Democratic Senator Ron Wyden and Representative Richard Neal said they were concerned that the U.S. Treasury could be pressured to adopt tax withholding tables that take too little federal tax out
of employee paychecks to make good on
White House predictions
of a
middle -
class windfall.
Treasury could be pressured to adopt tax withholding tables that take too little federal tax out
of employee paychecks to make good on
White House predictions
of a
middle -
class windfall.
Leave out
white middle -
class, subtract wealth, a privileged education and hovering parents, take away the luxury
of worrying about performance instead
of subsistence, and today's 20 - something suddenly doesn't much resemble the poster child for her brand anymore.
The basic idea is that while most economists believe corporate taxes are primarily paid by owners
of capital (that is, people who own stock in corporations) in the form
of lower profits, a sizable minority, including
White House chief economist Kevin Hassett, think that a lower tax rate would spark so much additional investment in the United States that it would bid up wages and leave the
middle class better off through its indirect effects.
The popular target
of ridicule, the mythical «
middle class white male», is disappearing fast.
Obama cited statistics released the same day in the
White House's new report from his Council
of Economic Advisers which show that conflicts likely lead, on average, to 1 percentage point lower annual returns on retirement savings as well as $ 17 billion
of losses every year for working and
middle -
class families.
Conflicts
of interest likely lead, on average, to 1 percentage point lower annual returns on the retirement savings
of middle -
class families, according to a recent report by the
White House Council
of Economic Advisers (CEA).
This DVD contains five short films that are full
of thought - provoking questions for
white,
middle class, young professionals.
Having lived with a servant
of the Word for more than fifty years in three Lutheran churches, I have this question: Why is it that the «
white,
middle -
class, traditional, orthodox theologians» being told that their understanding
of the church is no longer relevant, are told this by «
white,
middle -
class theologians?»
It's not meant to be an attack on men, or
white men, or
white middle class men, but an attempt to open our eyes to perhaps perceive a little bit how we might have an advantage based on these markers, such as higher wages than women in the same line
of work.
As a straight,
white,
middle -
class, Christian male sitting in the seat
of privilege, I've had to swallow quite a few sugarcoated critiques from my brothers and sisters from different ethnic and socio - economic
classes.
President Obama the is hearing your family Prayer and May the Continue to bless you and the
White House S taff to make the right decesion for to help the poor and
middle class people.please increase the food stamps five dollar increase isnt enough because the cost
of live have increase includeing food, gas and light bills, etc have increase.
Nevertheless, this theology is liberation theology because it witnesses to the power
of Jesus Christ to liberate me from my
white middle -
class world, from the university, and to place me beside the marginals, the oppressed, in hope and promise
of their liberation.
Process theologians are overwhelmingly
white North Atlantic
middle class academicians, most
of them, indeed, North Americans.
My point is only that if one is
white, North American, and
middle class, as are most process theologians, then one would be hesitant to suppose that one can really think in a sustained way from the perspective
of the oppressed.
That most theologians, even those whose social location in the
white North American
middle class, verbally support efforts to achieve the changes needed in our society to make some minimum
of justice possible elsewhere, such as in Latin America, is already a testimony to the power
of the gospel.
But when all exceptions have been noted, the fact remains that the determinative social location
of process theology as a style
of thought has been the
white,
middle class university or seminary, chiefly in North America.
For example, comparing the experience
of someone who is black,
middle class and female with someone who is
white, working
class and male.
In his writings, which are strongly autobiographical (and thus oriented to the
white, upper -
middle -
class male), Keen first asks how we overcome the «dis - ease»
of humankind.
My wife, Cheryl, and I were among the crowd
of 3,000 mostly -
white,
middle -
class suburbanites listening as Dr. Reese pounded away about Jesus» dire warnings to the wealthy and His passion for the poor.
There is this tendency within certain sectors
of Christianity to assume that if our theology «works» for relatively privileged (often for
white, upper -
middle -
class American men), then it should work well enough for everyone else, and everyone else should conform to it.
The drama is about the future
of a nearly all -
white establishment and a nearly all -
white middle class that's having second thoughts.
When I was coming
of age in the 1970s, drug use was already undermining the
white middle class.
Those
of us who are privileged (e.g, are
white, male,
middle -
class or higher, educated, able - bodied, heterosexual, and / or physically attractive, etc.) benefit from living in a society that accommodates rather than alienates us.
Indeed, the suffrage movement actually extended out
of a network
of church - based Moral Reform Societies that were led by men, but composed mainly
of white,
middle class women.
When Newbigin wrote this in 1941, one
of the main «social facts» in the United States was that public norms were dictated by a distinctly American Protestant culture in the
white middle class.
Never once taking into consideration that many
of the upper -
middle class white collar crowd sitting in your pews are some
of the most despicable hypocrites you ever want to meet.
As members
of the predominantly
white,
middle -
class, law - abiding majority, we condone their ritual deaths in order to affirm our own «humanity» and identification with the existing social order.
The common wisdom
of church developers at the time was simple: where there is a pool
of white,
middle -
class, home - owning families with children, mainline churches are likely to grow, no matter what their theological orientation.
The 1960s ushered in many changes, one
of which was the end
of the broad social consensus, call it bourgeois morality, that held sway among
white Americans
of all
classes, upper, lower, and
middle.
As a
middle -
class white man, I have no right to tell a black man how he should or should not feel under the authority
of President - elect Donald Trump.
White middle -
class women in the early feminist movement failed to appreciate the benefits they had through patriarchal gender roles and even through the law
of coverture that completely subsumed a wife's rights under her husband's in the 1800s.
that now many «others» do theology in ways very different, even conflictually other, from my own
white, male,
middle -
class and academic reflections on a hermeneutics
of dialogue and a praxis
of solidarity.
As a
white,
middle -
class woman living in California, rarely have I faced real pain as a result
of complex systems, and strongly held societal, cultural or political traditions and beliefs.
How can I,
white and
middle class, acknowledge my corporate (not to say personal) guilt in institutionalized racism and then claim that God, the primal source
of all societal relationships, remains utterly innocent
of all that transpires?
Because most
of us are also, in some continuing way, «
of» that
white,
middle -
class, Protestant milieu, we know (from the inside) its questions, its anxieties, its frustrations, as well as its answers, consolations, and dreams.
Here was a black man obviously involved to some degree in the theft
of church funds and the murder
of a
white man in a southern city, now on trial in «the Man's» court before an all -
white middle -
class jury.
Continue reading «Meditation
of a
Middle - Aged, (Upper)
Middle -
Class,
White, Liberal, Protestant Parent»
They often seem to assume that First World,
white,
middle -
class societies are by definition irredeemable; that they are driven by an irreversible logic
of oppression and injustice.
There was some diversity, though the overwhelming majority
of attendees were
white and appeared to be upper -
middle class.
The images abound in stock video footage accompanying stories on evangelicals, the religious right, megachurches and the culture wars — the obligatory shots
of middle -
class worshipers, usually
white, in corporate - looking auditoriums or sanctuaries, swaying to the electrified music
of «praise bands,» their eyes closed, their enraptured faces tilted heavenward, a hand (or hands) raised to the sky.