Sentences with phrase «on devolution in»

One of the most striking aspects in the current debate on devolution in the North of England is that the main actors (local governments, leaders» boards, political parties, business organisations, etc.) seem to work in isolation — each devising their own plans, often irrespective (or wary) of the positions of the others.

Not exact matches

In addition, The Vancouver Board of Trade continued its push for the devolution of Vancouver International Airport to a local airport authority and spoke out on the need for airport expansion.

The success of the concurrent delegations was an excellent example of how Canada can capitalize on some of its constitutional similarities with India — in this case, the devolution of power over issues such as education and national - resource management to the provinces — in order to improve relations for Canada as a whole.

Whereas Jim Palmer once worked «up the ladder» — pitching incrementally higher in the strike zone, an extinct art because of the devolution of the zone — Maddux has turned the ladder on its side.

Having emerged as the dominant parties in the assembly election, the DUP and Sinn Fein have until March 26th to agree on a power sharing arrangement or the British government will suspend devolution in the province.

Moreover, EVEL does not engage with on - going reforms in the other nations of the UK nor within England, appearing designed to operate in parallel, rather than in tandem, with other policies such as devolution to England's cities and regions and the wider Northern Powerhouse agenda.

In the case of devolution to UK cities, the key focus seems to be on devolution as a mechanism of economic regeneration?

Sandford rightly notes that — at present — asymmetric regional devolution would therefore not lead to any restrictions on MPs» ability to vote on English - only matters in the House of Commons.

Parliament will today rush through legislation in order to delay devolution to Northern Ireland ahead of a power - sharing executive on May 8th.

The first step in this direction is to change the «power - and - economy - obsessed» discourse of devolution in the North, and focus instead on everyday lives.

Interestingly, however, this time round mainstream parties are not the only actors trying to influence the agenda on English devolution — as shown by the recent growth of new regionalist parties, especially in the North of England.

In many ways, last week's local elections were a warning, shining light on how a continuing disconnect at local level could undermine the whole devolution agenda from within.

The final, and in some ways most damning, objection to the proposed new Government arrangement for Greater Manchester is that it is being imposed by central government dictat, accepted by a local political elite who have chosen to compromise on this in order to get the devolution of powers and resources they crave.

In its submission1 to the Smith Commission on devolved powers to Scotland, the Chartered Institute of Taxation (CIOT) has suggested a hybrid approach to devolution that includes both full devolution of some taxes and the possible assignment of an appropriate share of revenue of taxes collected in ScotlanIn its submission1 to the Smith Commission on devolved powers to Scotland, the Chartered Institute of Taxation (CIOT) has suggested a hybrid approach to devolution that includes both full devolution of some taxes and the possible assignment of an appropriate share of revenue of taxes collected in Scotlanin Scotland.

The Commission on the Consequences of Devolution, also known as the McKay Commission, reported quietly in March 2013.

Speaking on BBC Radio Scotland yesterday morning, CEO of SPUC Scotland John Deighan, also referred to the opportunity devolution provides to «roll back and remove the need for abortion in our society».

The two citizens» assemblies — Assembly North in Sheffield and Assembly South in Southampton — provided a chance for a small group of ordinary members of the public to engage in structured deliberation on the hot topic of local and regional devolution.

Genuine power devolution and resource control is a crucial factor in addressing the concerns of the Baloch population and there was overwhelming agreement on bringing them back into the mainstream through meaningful political dialogue.

The constitutional change agenda gained momentum after the 1997 Labour landslide, when important changes were passed, like devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and the Human Rights Act that incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into British law.

Beyond this, the way in which City Deals have been put on the agenda seems only to reinforce the idea that devolution in the North has little to do with democracy, and more with the needs and wills of politicians.

The only advocates of the view that devolution in England is not just about reviving economies but also about improving democracy are the regionalist parties based precisely in the areas that the mainstream parties are trying to «put back on track» with their devolution proposals.

The Smith Commission has set out a raft of new powers for the Scottish Parliament, the Chancellor of the Exchequer has signed a new devolution agreement with Greater Manchester Combined Authority, the Deputy Prime Minister has signed an agreement with Sheffield City Council, and the Cabinet Committee on Devolved Powers has reported on options for change in Westminster.

In its submission1 to the Smith Commission on devolved powers to Scotland, the CIOT has suggested a hybrid approach to devolution that includes both full devolution of some taxes and the possible assignment of an appropriate share of revenue of taxes collected in ScotlanIn its submission1 to the Smith Commission on devolved powers to Scotland, the CIOT has suggested a hybrid approach to devolution that includes both full devolution of some taxes and the possible assignment of an appropriate share of revenue of taxes collected in Scotlanin Scotland.

Currently her work concentrates on the tensions between technocratic and democratic approaches to devolution in the context of the «City Deals» and «Northern Powerhouse» agenda, as well as on the link between territorial identity and devolution in the North.

The prime minister has dropped his insistence on linking Scotland's package of post-referendum devolution to comparable changes in England.

Yet, devolution backfired spectacularly in Scotland on the second count, with the nationalist leader Alex Salmond now firmly ensconced in the parliament at Holyrood.

In essence, the Conservative approach to English devolution focuses on three themes: a better and more balanced economy; bespoke Growth Deals and decentralisation of powers to (large) cities which choose to have elected mayor; and English Votes for English Laws (EVEL).

A significant proportion of UK law is now derived from EU legislation, while devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland has also had a profound effect on the development of democracy in the UK.

These new metro mayors are being introduced in England as part of the Government's devolution agenda, which allows for combined authorities to take on more functions, over and above those they were allowed to take on under previous legislation.

In theory, there was not a great deal in this with which Liberal Democrats could disagree, but at the time some in the party feared a new direction focused on reducing the size of the state, rather than relocating it through devolutioIn theory, there was not a great deal in this with which Liberal Democrats could disagree, but at the time some in the party feared a new direction focused on reducing the size of the state, rather than relocating it through devolutioin this with which Liberal Democrats could disagree, but at the time some in the party feared a new direction focused on reducing the size of the state, rather than relocating it through devolutioin the party feared a new direction focused on reducing the size of the state, rather than relocating it through devolution.

Morgan made her maiden speech in Parliament on 22 May 1997 in the debate on the Referendums (Scotland and Wales) Bill, designed to pave the way for devolution.

The Scottish referendum, coupled with the Smith commission on implementing its devolution concessions in Scotland, may have put the constitution on the agenda — even so, Whitehall fought Osborne down to the wire.

In this sense, the votes on devolution were republican - that the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly depended on the approval of electors made them «public things».

Now devolution is dear to the hearts of Plaid supporters, as it is to Liberals, and on this «core issue», Plaid could show that they had made a difference in government.

Devolution in Scotland followed a decade - long debate involving a wide range of organisations in civil society; «devo Manc» is the result of confidential bargains between the Treasury and a small group of local deal - makers, mostly on the City Council.

That, however, could further unbalance its position in a United Kingdom based on asymmetrical devolution.

Some form of constitutional convention could usefully be contrasted with the limits of deciding on devolution to England in a Cabinet sub-committee in Whitehall — but only if it is deciding on how to represent England, rather than whether to do so.

We'll look at the main areas being suggested for further devolution in Scotland by the Smith Commission — powers over the economy and the Welfare State — and examine how they apply to Wales; and then look at how devolution to England and the recommendations of UK Government's Cabinet committee under William Hague will impact on the workings of the UK, and what its future should be.

«What I'm offering is that if the answer to the question is that Scotland wants to stay in the United Kingdom, then further options for devolution are on the table, that we can discuss those, just as we have in the past.»

Some 80 % of people in England support having more powers devolved to local areas, a BBC poll on devolution has suggested.

The only proposals on the table when Brown's book appeared were for further fiscal devolution, which many in the Westminster parties supported on the basis that having to raise tax revenues would force Alex Salmond to face up to spending constraints and take responsibility for decisions.

It is much less than what George Cunningham insisted on in the Scottish devolution proposals that led to the 1979 legislation on that; he insisted on having 40 % for a yes vote, whereas I am calling here for only 40 % of the electorate.

With both Labour and the Conservatives due to unveil proposals for more devolution in the event of a No vote in the referendum, the new material focuses on attitudes towards the prospect of more devolution.

The logic of your argument suggests it would be dishonest of the politicians not to include six voting systems; a question offering all possible combinations of Lords reform; another on whether to stay in or get out of Europe; another on Scottish / Welsh independence / devolution; whether to have a written constitution.

«I think with further devolution to Scotland it becomes inconceivable to continue to allow Scottish members to vote on everything that is happening in England when as you know English members and indeed Scottish members can't vote on so much of what is happening in Scotland.

First Minister Carwyn Jones has admitted Labour took «its eye off the ball» on education in the early years of devolution.

Asked about English devolution 71 % of people thought that Scottish MPs should not be able to vote on issues that affect only England (including the majority of Scottish respondents in the poll), 15 % of people thought they should.

Welsh Secretary David Jones will today exercise his right to sit and speak (though not vote) in the Assembly for its debate on the Queen's Speech, including changes to devolution that involve giving income tax raising powers to the Welsh Government, subject to approval in a referendum.

During the Smith Commission negotiations on further devolution to Scotland, it was agreed to transfer legislative power from the UK parliament to Holyrood to allow 16 and 17 year olds to vote in future Scottish Parliament elections.

«To those in Scotland sceptical of the constitutional promises that were made, let me say this - we have delivered on devolution under this government and we will do so again in the next parliament.