Empower states to set goals for student achievement based
on test score growth and high school graduation rates;
Table 7: Reduced - Form Classroom - Level OLS Estimates of Cross-Subject Effects of First Period Classes
on Test Score Growth
In conversion charters, the type of school with the most advantaged student population, the effects
on test score growth were negative and significant for all four cohorts.
We find some small differences across charter types, but none of the charter school enrollment effects
on test score growth for any cohort were positive among any of the three types examined.
We examined charter school effects
on test score growth overall, by charter type, and across four different cohorts of students, only for those students who remain in a charter or traditional public school during the time series.
With 85 percent of a school's grade based on test scores — and 60 percent of the total based
on test score growth — the report cards, for good or for ill, left little room for doubt that testing was king.
Not exact matches
Human milk, in contrast, is high in factors that promote brain
growth; children who were breastfed tend to
score higher
on intelligence quotient (IQ)
tests.
It also bars federal authorities from specifying that student «
growth»
scores on Common Core
tests be used in job ratings.
Under the new «emergency regulation,» educators still would get annual «
growth»
scores from Albany based
on results of state
tests given during the moratorium, but the
scores would be advisory.
The notion was backed up by the American Statistical Association, which previously said the formula the state uses to calculate student
growth based
on test scores should not be used in teacher evaluations.
The proposal to clamp a four - year hold
on using student «
growth»
scores on Common Core
tests in evaluating teachers was advanced just last Thursday by an advisory task force appointed by Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo.
Under the current teacher and principal evaluation system, students»
growth scores — a state - produced calculation that quantifies students» year - to - year improvement
on standardized
tests while controlling for factors like poverty — make up 20 percent of evaluations for teachers whose courses culminate in the state
tests.
Alhough students»
scores on the Common Core - aligned state
tests won't be used for teacher and principal evaluations, the
growth scores will still be calculated and used for school accountability to comply with federal law, a state Education Department official said.
The «
growth score» is a state - produced calculation quantifying students» year - to - year improvement
on standardized
tests while controlling factors such as poverty.
Recognizing the educational challenges represented by children in poverty, who are not fluent in English or have other special needs, the Bloomberg administration — even as it relentlessly encouraged the
growth of charter schools — built a citywide methodology designed to look past simple comparisons of average school
scores on state
tests.
Later that same day, Gov. Andrew Cuomo's Common Core task force released its recommendations, including a four - year moratorium
on the use of state - provided
growth scores based
on state
tests in evaluations.
In a move that few would have predicted a year ago, the State Board of Regents
on Dec. 14 voted nearly unanimously to eliminate state - provided
growth scores based
on state
test scores from teacher evaluations for four years.
In a move that few would have predicted a year ago, the State Board of Regents
on Dec. 14 voted nearly unanimously to eliminate state - provided
growth scores based
on state standardized
test scores from teacher evaluations for four years.
Using student - level data from two states, Harvard Professor Martin West and I found that 40 to 60 percent of schools serving mostly low - income or underrepresented minority students would fall into the bottom 15 percent of schools statewide based
on their average
test scores, but only 15 to 25 percent of these same schools would be classified as low performing based
on their
test -
score growth.
A teacher in New York State is considered to be ineffective based
on her students»
test score growth if her value - added
score is more than 1.5 standard deviations below average (i.e., in the bottom seven percent of teachers).
After extensive research
on teacher evaluation procedures, the Measures of Effective Teaching Project mentions three different measures to provide teachers with feedback for
growth: (1) classroom observations by peer - colleagues using validated scales such as the Framework for Teaching or the Classroom Assessment
Scoring System, further described in Gathering Feedback for Teaching (PDF) and Learning About Teaching (PDF), (2) student evaluations using the Tripod survey developed by Ron Ferguson from Harvard, which measures students» perceptions of teachers» ability to care, control, clarify, challenge, captivate, confer, and consolidate, and (3)
growth in student learning based
on standardized
test scores over multiple years.
Mean scale
scores on state reading and math
tests, median
growth percentage, four - and seven - year graduation rates, progress in achieving English - language proficiency
• There was a widespread, well - justified concern that prior accountability measures based primarily
on achievement levels (proficiency rates) unfairly penalized schools serving more disadvantaged students and failed to reward schools for strong
test score growth.
By foregrounding the NAPLAN
score scale and proficiency bands, NAPLAN would model and promote a
growth mindset in assessment, an approach that follows naturally from recognition that learning occurs
on a continuum and that a single year level
test is inappropriate for most students.
For example, Ohio adjusts value - added calculations for high mobility, and Arizona calculates the percentage of students enrolled for a full academic year and weighs measures of
test score levels and
growth differently based
on student mobility and length of enrollment.
The first screen would focus
on student outcomes —
test scores,
growth metrics, and other gauges that demonstrate that the school is in fact getting excellent results.
That is, we compare students with the same demographic characteristics, the same
test scores in the current year and in a previous year, the same responses to the surveys for other social - emotional measures collected by the district, and within the same school and grade, to see whether students who look the same
on all of these measures but have a stronger
growth mindset learn more over the course of the following year.
Increasingly, states and school districts use measures based
on growth in individual students»
test scores to evaluate which schools are performing well and how effectively educators are teaching.
This year, a state court judge ruled in favor of a Long Island teacher, determining that the «ineffective» rating she had received
on the
growth -
score portion of her evaluation (the part linked to student
test results) was «arbitrary and capricious.»
In recent years, the consensus among policymakers and researchers has been that after the first few years
on the job, teacher performance, at least as measured by student
test -
score growth, can not be improved.
Performance metrics tied directly to student
test -
score growth are appealing because although schools and teachers differ dramatically in their effects
on student achievement, researchers have had great difficulty linking these performance differences to characteristics that are easily observed and measured.
If one country's
test -
score performance was 0.5 standard deviations higher than another country during the 1960s — a little less than the current difference in the
scores between such top - performing countries as Finland and Hong Kong and the United States — the first country's
growth rate was,
on average, one full percentage point higher annually over the following 40 - year period than the second country's
growth rate.
When those two factors are taken into account, the positive effect of cognitive skills
on annual economic
growth becomes somewhat smaller, but is still 0.63 percentage points per half of a standard deviation of
test scores.
We're finally looking at
growth over time, rather than a snapshot in time, and when it comes to teachers, we're complementing
test -
score data with observations and other
on - the - ground information.
So, he asks «whether regulators are any good at identifying which schools will contribute to
test score gains» and then says this: «The bottom line is that none of the factors used by authorizers to open or renew charter schools in New Orleans were predictive of how much
test score growth these schools could produce later
on.»
Demographic - adjusted average
test scores also do a worse job at identifying schools where students learn the least, with the average
growth rates of bottom - 15 % schools based
on this metric closer to that of the average
score measure than the
growth - based measure.
My biggest critique is that the state's grading system still relies too heavily
on absolute
test scores (rather than
growth).
Specifically, we've called for giving teachers tools to use assessments to inform instruction, minimizing
test prep (which research suggests does not necessarily lead to increased
test scores), focusing
on student
growth rather than absolute proficiency, and using
test scores as only one measure among many in high - stakes decisions.
Linda Darling Hammond from Stanford University criticized IMPACT's heavy reliance
on test -
score growth, which can be an unreliable way to measure teacher effectiveness.
A big change seen in about half the states is a focus
on growth — how fast
test scores are moving and in which direction, not just how many kids have passed a specific
score on the
tests.
But by the end of the first year, their
scores on standardized
tests showed the most improvement in English among district middle schools and exceptional
growth in math, according to a Times analysis.
By contrast, IMPACT relies
on observational
scores both from principals and from «master educators» — highly rated former teachers who work full - time for the district — as well as
on student
test -
score growth, which increasingly is being used to evaluate teachers nationwide.
Schools, and those of us working in them, are deemed «failing» based solely
on a single
test's
scores, with no consideration of the
growth in our students»
scores.
The suit filed in state Supreme Court in Albany by the STA and about 30 city teachers, and supported by New York State United Teachers, argues SED did not properly account for the devastating effects of student poverty
on achievement when it set
growth scores on state
tests in grades 4 - 8 math and English Language Arts.
Growth - based measures and demographic - adjusted average
test scores identify similar types of schools as low - performing, as shown by the fact that the red dots (low - income schools) are spread out in the figure, as opposed to clustered
on the left - hand side.
We will not here get into the many technical problems with measures of achievement
growth — they can be significant — and we surely don't suggest that school ratings and evaluations should be based entirely
on test scores, no matter how those are sliced and diced.
The nature of language
growth is such that in earlier grades,
scores will likely fluctuate (especially in high - poverty schools) as academic domains that have been taught may or may not appear
on any particular reading
test.
To examine the correspondence of citizen perceptions of school quality and measures of
test -
score growth, we turn to our representative sample of residents of Florida, where the state accountability system evaluates schools based
on both
test -
score levels and
test -
score growth.
To argue that she has been even moderately successful with her approach, we would have to ignore the legitimate concerns of local and national charter reformers who know the city well, and ignore the possibility that Detroit charters are taking advantage of loose oversight by cherry - picking students, and ignore the very low
test score growth in Detroit compared with other cities
on the urban NAEP, and ignore the policy alternatives that seem to work better (for example, closing low - performing charter schools), and ignore the very low
scores to which Detroit charters are being compared, and ignore the negative effects of virtual schools, and ignore the negative effects of the only statewide voucher programs that provide the best comparisons with DeVos's national agenda.
Because measures of
test -
score growth are less stable over time than measures of
test -
score levels, we average the points awarded to each school based
on levels and
growth over the previous three years.