Sentences with phrase «other political parties on»

Not exact matches

Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those reflected in such forward - looking statements and that should be considered in evaluating our outlook include, but are not limited to, the following: 1) our ability to continue to grow our business and execute our growth strategy, including the timing, execution, and profitability of new and maturing programs; 2) our ability to perform our obligations under our new and maturing commercial, business aircraft, and military development programs, and the related recurring production; 3) our ability to accurately estimate and manage performance, cost, and revenue under our contracts, including our ability to achieve certain cost reductions with respect to the B787 program; 4) margin pressures and the potential for additional forward losses on new and maturing programs; 5) our ability to accommodate, and the cost of accommodating, announced increases in the build rates of certain aircraft; 6) the effect on aircraft demand and build rates of changing customer preferences for business aircraft, including the effect of global economic conditions on the business aircraft market and expanding conflicts or political unrest in the Middle East or Asia; 7) customer cancellations or deferrals as a result of global economic uncertainty or otherwise; 8) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which we operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; 9) the success and timely execution of key milestones such as the receipt of necessary regulatory approvals, including our ability to obtain in a timely fashion any required regulatory or other third party approvals for the consummation of our announced acquisition of Asco, and customer adherence to their announced schedules; 10) our ability to successfully negotiate, or re-negotiate, future pricing under our supply agreements with Boeing and our other customers; 11) our ability to enter into profitable supply arrangements with additional customers; 12) the ability of all parties to satisfy their performance requirements under existing supply contracts with our two major customers, Boeing and Airbus, and other customers, and the risk of nonpayment by such customers; 13) any adverse impact on Boeing's and Airbus» production of aircraft resulting from cancellations, deferrals, or reduced orders by their customers or from labor disputes, domestic or international hostilities, or acts of terrorism; 14) any adverse impact on the demand for air travel or our operations from the outbreak of diseases or epidemic or pandemic outbreaks; 15) our ability to avoid or recover from cyber-based or other security attacks, information technology failures, or other disruptions; 16) returns on pension plan assets and the impact of future discount rate changes on pension obligations; 17) our ability to borrow additional funds or refinance debt, including our ability to obtain the debt to finance the purchase price for our announced acquisition of Asco on favorable terms or at all; 18) competition from commercial aerospace original equipment manufacturers and other aerostructures suppliers; 19) the effect of governmental laws, such as U.S. export control laws and U.S. and foreign anti-bribery laws such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the United Kingdom Bribery Act, and environmental laws and agency regulations, both in the U.S. and abroad; 20) the effect of changes in tax law, such as the effect of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other things.

While NationBuilder and Rally remain bipartisan, Bloomberg reports that federal candidates and other political advocates have spent more than $ 46 million this election cycle on party - specific tech sites, including the Republican - leaning Targeted Victory and the Democratic - leaning Blue State Digital and Bully Pulpit Interactive.

Expanding on its allegations, WSJ said on Tuesday that hundreds of millions worth of unreported political spending flowed from public sources or programs intended for other purposes, including at least $ 140 million that was spent on charity projects to boost the party's election chances.

Such risks, uncertainties and other factors include, without limitation: (1) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including financial market conditions, fluctuations in commodity prices, interest rates and foreign currency exchange rates, levels of end market demand in construction and in both the commercial and defense segments of the aerospace industry, levels of air travel, financial condition of commercial airlines, the impact of weather conditions and natural disasters and the financial condition of our customers and suppliers; (2) challenges in the development, production, delivery, support, performance and realization of the anticipated benefits of advanced technologies and new products and services; (3) the scope, nature, impact or timing of acquisition and divestiture or restructuring activity, including the pending acquisition of Rockwell Collins, including among other things integration of acquired businesses into United Technologies» existing businesses and realization of synergies and opportunities for growth and innovation; (4) future timing and levels of indebtedness, including indebtedness expected to be incurred by United Technologies in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition, and capital spending and research and development spending, including in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition; (5) future availability of credit and factors that may affect such availability, including credit market conditions and our capital structure; (6) the timing and scope of future repurchases of United Technologies» common stock, which may be suspended at any time due to various factors, including market conditions and the level of other investing activities and uses of cash, including in connection with the proposed acquisition of Rockwell; (7) delays and disruption in delivery of materials and services from suppliers; (8) company and customer - directed cost reduction efforts and restructuring costs and savings and other consequences thereof; (9) new business and investment opportunities; (10) our ability to realize the intended benefits of organizational changes; (11) the anticipated benefits of diversification and balance of operations across product lines, regions and industries; (12) the outcome of legal proceedings, investigations and other contingencies; (13) pension plan assumptions and future contributions; (14) the impact of the negotiation of collective bargaining agreements and labor disputes; (15) the effect of changes in political conditions in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate, including the effect of changes in U.S. trade policies or the U.K.'s pending withdrawal from the EU, on general market conditions, global trade policies and currency exchange rates in the near term and beyond; (16) the effect of changes in tax (including U.S. tax reform enacted on December 22, 2017, which is commonly referred to as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017), environmental, regulatory (including among other things import / export) and other laws and regulations in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate; (17) the ability of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins to receive the required regulatory approvals (and the risk that such approvals may result in the imposition of conditions that could adversely affect the combined company or the expected benefits of the merger) and to satisfy the other conditions to the closing of the pending acquisition on a timely basis or at all; (18) the occurrence of events that may give rise to a right of one or both of United Technologies or Rockwell Collins to terminate the merger agreement, including in circumstances that might require Rockwell Collins to pay a termination fee of $ 695 million to United Technologies or $ 50 million of expense reimbursement; (19) negative effects of the announcement or the completion of the merger on the market price of United Technologies» and / or Rockwell Collins» common stock and / or on their respective financial performance; (20) risks related to Rockwell Collins and United Technologies being restricted in their operation of their businesses while the merger agreement is in effect; (21) risks relating to the value of the United Technologies» shares to be issued in connection with the pending Rockwell acquisition, significant merger costs and / or unknown liabilities; (22) risks associated with third party contracts containing consent and / or other provisions that may be triggered by the Rockwell merger agreement; (23) risks associated with merger - related litigation or appraisal proceedings; and (24) the ability of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins, or the combined company, to retain and hire key personnel.

«To raise money successfully,» said the senator, «a political party must appeal to Canadians of ordinary means... The Conservative party's fundraising success is built not on the depth of our donors» pockets but on the breadth of our donor base and that is what the other parties do not understand and why they are lagging behind.»

Had Trump taken the measures suggested repeatedly by ethics experts on both sides of the political aisle, he would by now have put his assets in what's called a blind trust, which would entail turning over his empire to a third party with whom he will have no contact, who would sell off the properties and reinvest the resulting money in other assets without providing the president any information about the sales or the purchases.

When it's not Facebook admitting it allowed data on as many as 87 million users to be sucked out by a developer on its platform who sold it to a political consultancy working for the Trump campaign, or dating app Grindr «fessing up to sharing its users» HIV status with third party A / B testers, some other ugly facet of the tech industry's love affair with tracking everything its users do slides into view.

The other political parties can wait before presenting their platforms on how they would use the surplus.

Many factors could cause BlackBerry's actual results, performance or achievements to differ materially from those expressed or implied by the forward - looking statements, including, without limitation: BlackBerry's ability to enhance its current products and services, or develop new products and services in a timely manner or at competitive prices, including risks related to new product introductions; risks related to BlackBerry's ability to mitigate the impact of the anticipated decline in BlackBerry's infrastructure access fees on its consolidated revenue by developing an integrated services and software offering; intense competition, rapid change and significant strategic alliances within BlackBerry's industry; BlackBerry's reliance on carrier partners and distributors; risks associated with BlackBerry's foreign operations, including risks related to recent political and economic developments in Venezuela and the impact of foreign currency restrictions; risks relating to network disruptions and other business interruptions, including costs, potential liabilities, lost revenues and reputational damage associated with service interruptions; risks related to BlackBerry's ability to implement and to realize the anticipated benefits of its CORE program; BlackBerry's ability to maintain or increase its cash balance; security risks; BlackBerry's ability to attract and retain key personnel; risks related to intellectual property rights; BlackBerry's ability to expand and manage BlackBerry ® World ™; risks related to the collection, storage, transmission, use and disclosure of confidential and personal information; BlackBerry's ability to manage inventory and asset risk; BlackBerry's reliance on suppliers of functional components for its products and risks relating to its supply chain; BlackBerry's ability to obtain rights to use software or components supplied by third parties; BlackBerry's ability to successfully maintain and enhance its brand; risks related to government regulations, including regulations relating to encryption technology; BlackBerry's ability to continue to adapt to recent board and management changes and headcount reductions; reliance on strategic alliances with third - party network infrastructure developers, software platform vendors and service platform vendors; BlackBerry's reliance on third - party manufacturers; potential defects and vulnerabilities in BlackBerry's products; risks related to litigation, including litigation claims arising from BlackBerry's practice of providing forward - looking guidance; potential charges relating to the impairment of intangible assets recorded on BlackBerry's balance sheet; risks as a result of actions of activist shareholders; government regulation of wireless spectrum and radio frequencies; risks related to economic and geopolitical conditions; risks associated with acquisitions; foreign exchange risks; and difficulties in forecasting BlackBerry's financial results given the rapid technological changes, evolving industry standards, intense competition and short product life cycles that characterize the wireless communications industry.

On the other hand, «private» opinion research conducted for large corporations, special interest groups and political parties is booming.

The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (UCPN) has since changed its stance on the word however, advocating a change along with other political parties following the survey.

Well if that is our destiny and faith then let it be but by applying such acts on the populations by those Political Parties playing their dirty games is not Islamic at all and if that what is applied by those Muslim to Muslim then what can you non Muslims expect to be treated at any other MidEast country?!

In his recent book Bad Religion, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat argues that, while political engagement is an essential part of the Christian presence in the world, American Christians have perhaps put too much emphasis on political engagement and party politics to the exclusion of other aspects of Christian witness....

Despotic capitalism, on the other hand, is characterized by control of the government by an individual or a relatively small group such as military junta, an aristocracy or elite class, or a minority political party.

In other words, evangelical leaders were willing to speak about the issue when it was unpopular to many conservatives (this is another reason why Christians should not be seen as a wing of any political party; they must speak prophetically as needed on issues).

They wear political hats, place stickers on their bumpers, and make jokes about the other party.

On the other end of the political spectrum, the New Alliance Party (NAP) plays similar games.

Not only do the vast majority of teens surveyed think Americans are divided, but they basically embrace the divide: Three in four «already have a party preference,» and only around 25 percent think they have «a lot in common» with people on the other side of the political aisle.

There are many forms of community in existence — family, neighborhood, school, the people one works with or plays with, the team one plays on or cheers for, bridge clubs, political parties, labor unions, Rotary clubs, Masons, the «solid south,» Florida versus California, the nation, and a host of other groupings in between.

If they (Republican Party) continues on the course of attempting to inforce their beliefs onto others, it may lead to their political demise.

Moltmann's care not to identify Christianity with any one political programme or party gave to Latin American theologians of liberation the impression that he, like other European theologians, preferred to remain politically neutral and to theorize only on the universal plane.

Whoops — the next to last sentence should have been, «Some things are obviousâ $ «if one advocates for instance something in opposition to the clear teaching of the Bible, things like that murder is good, that compassion is evil, or extramarital sex is permissible; but some other matters are less clear, such as which political party is on Godâ $ ™ s side, or whether consuming beverage alcohol in moderation is a sin.

Although speculating that the approaches from his main political rivals represented the «latest wheeze by Labour and the Tories to take the best of Lib Dem ideas and call them their own,» Mr Clegg said he was willing to work with other parties on constitutional reform.

Not long ago, political parties tried to outbid each other on housing policy.

Friends of the Earth (FoE) welcomed the blueprint and called on the Lib Dems to increase the pressure on the other main political parties to follow their example.

The PNC, example represents the best showing of all the other 23 minor political parties that exist on the books of the EC.

That is what political scientists call a «competency» or «valence» issue, meaning that political parties have an incentive to prove their ability to contain such costs irrespective of their different policy positions on other issues.

In other words, David Cameron's commitment to an in - or - out referendum on Britain's EU membership primarily for party political reasons has fundamentally reshaped the terms of the British domestic debate on Europe but it also has huge implications for both the UK and European integration in general.

In «The Political Animal» Paxman one points out how much more dynastic the Labour Party has been than the others Its easier for shall we say, a Toynbee, to be keen on redistribution.

What consequences have resulted in the past for parties (or other political movements) which promote independence referenda, but go on to lose them?

At a time when each political party is trying to blame the debt - ceiling debacle on the other, MoveOn's seizing and spreading of the «Tea Party Downgrade» meme might just cut through the clutter and catcparty is trying to blame the debt - ceiling debacle on the other, MoveOn's seizing and spreading of the «Tea Party Downgrade» meme might just cut through the clutter and catcParty Downgrade» meme might just cut through the clutter and catch on.

While the governing National Democratic Congress and other political parties are fervently gearing up for the November elections, functionaries of the opposition New Patriotic Party are busily preparing and psyching their supporters on how to set the country ablaze if they are rejected for the third consecutive time.

One of the most striking aspects in the current debate on devolution in the North of England is that the main actors (local governments, leaders» boards, political parties, business organisations, etc.) seem to work in isolation — each devising their own plans, often irrespective (or wary) of the positions of the others.

On the whole, across party, it tends to be very good as a space for internal party politics (especially party organisation issues like all women shortlists or primaries), for broad political narrative and argument (what should Labour), personalities and reactive left - right politics around major headline news events, and for some other specific political issues (challenging the far right is a good example).

That should be the bare minimum for a political party yet the others all failed on one or more count.

This is because the Tories have been promoting primaries for a good while, and not as far as I can see on the basis of any other argument except that they think it would be good to engage more of the public in party political democracy and because it makes them look more welcoming as a party which might garner votes in the long run.

The same's true with three extra seats on the govering NEC for a membership that's soared to 569,000 (more than every other British political party combined) though an additional union place going to an Usdaw shopworkers on the Right of the party translates into a net gain of two in Corbyn's slim majority.

On the other end of the political spectrum, Die Linke's party platform, calls for a «paradigm change» in drug policy and an «end of criminalising drugs.»

The 2011 Parliament Act instituting fixed - term parliaments was intended to prevent precisely what May is doing - capitalising on circumstances favourable to nothing other than an incumbent government's party - political chances.

Cameron's «Europe speech `, finally delivered on 23rd January 2013, and the anaemic response of Britain's other major parties — whose leaders ostensibly support the EU but are not willing to expend any political capital making a positive case — have finally forced the issue.

These attitudinal distributions have implications for understanding the increase in support for UKIP (among a wide range of other explanations for UKIP's support), but also for the likelihood of support for a referendum on EU membership and the political and electoral consequences of the respective party's promises on a referendum.

Subject to the concurrence of the Electoral Commission, where the Returning Officer considers that the name shown on the nomination paper or other document as the name of the constituency candidate's political party is indecent or offensive or excessively long or likely to cause confusion to or mislead electors, --

They joined other major labor groups that fled the party years earlier, including the UFT, whose president said the union left because «it became evident that their focus was on personal, political agendas and a few egos.»

The NPP and other political parties must not make [bigoted] comments as the country decides on December 7, 2016.

Although legislation enacted over the past 12 years has lead to greater transparency in political party funding, unlike many other major industrial democracies, the UK does not have a ceiling on donations to political parties.

I met different kinds of political warriors on my 12 yrs journey, some became friends while others became foes, foes became friends while friends became foes, political alliance were formed with various fighters from the political parties» base on common interest.

However, in other cases, including the cases most relevant to partisan limitations on primary participation, the Supreme Court has defended the independence of political parties.

Since then, Conservative grassroots members» views on Europe appear only to have hardened — and, as a new report from the Project published yesterday by the Mile End Institute shows, they are one of the many things that set the Tory rank and file apart from the members of other political parties.

So on one hand we have an incredibly detailed litany of rehashed innuendo regarding the minutiae of canvassing operations and supposed irregularities at the level of timesheets, with the implication that someone is cheating; while on the other hand we have a blithely cynical sketch of how two billionaires own a political party, with one of them forthrightly buying its ballot line for himself.

«Some of them have been small, others large, but together they have turned the party inwards rather than outwards, looking to the past rather than to new ideas, resting on easy rhetoric rather than taking hard decisions — and above all seeking to distance ourselves from our time in government, rather than building on it, in terms of both policy content and political culture and dynamic.»