Sentences with phrase «other poor minority children»

Not exact matches

At the very least, therefore, schools for poor and minority children should have as much funding per student, as many qualified teachers and as good physical facilities as other schools.

We seek through the vitality of influence and power to arrest the injustice of others but impose in turn new forms of injustice because we are never as just as we claim to be: parent with child, children with parents, protesters with establishment, majorities with minorities, minorities with majorities, rich nations with poor, and poor nations with rich.

The suit, filed on behalf of Beatriz Vergara, a Los Angeles high school student, and eight other public school students, claims that the law protects poor - performing teachers assigned to working with low - income, minority children.

Some have argued that the legal basis for this mandate can be found in section 1111 (a)(8), the so - called «equitable teacher distribution» requirement, which asks states to submit plans to the Secretary that describe «steps that the State educational agency will take to ensure that poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers, and the measures that the State educational agency will use to evaluate and publicly report the progress of the State educational agency with respect to such steps.»

This need for cultures that reaffirm the self - worth of poor and minority children (and ultimately, allow for them and their communities gain the knowledge needed to determine their own destinies) is why historically black colleges and universities, along with other minority - serving higher ed institutions, still exist.

What has become clear is that explicitly focusing on the educational concerns of poor and minority children regardless of where they live, and expanding that to the criminal justice reform and other the social issues that end up touching (and are touched by) American public education, is critical, both in helping all children succeed as well as rallying long - terms support for the movement from the parents and communities that care for them.

Thanks in part to a board of education dominated by conservative reformers such as Andy Smarick of the American Enterprise Institute and former Thomas B. Fordham Institute President Chester Finn Jr. (the latter of whom presided over the think tank's initial activism against the Obama - era guidance), the Old Line State only plans to intervene when suspension levels for poor, minority, and special ed - labeled children are three times higher than that of other peers.

The No Child Left Behind Act in 2001 included language requiring states to «ensure that poor and minority students are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers.»

Certainly this means losing key tools in expanding choice, especially against traditional districts and others opposed to allowing poor and minority children to attain high - quality options.

While Coates doesn't touch on education policy, he essentially makes a strong historical case for why reformers (especially increasingly erstwhile conservatives in the movement) must go back to embracing accountability measures and a strong federal role in education policymaking that, along with other changes in American society, are key to helping children from poor and minority households (as well as their families and communities) attain economic and social equality.

The fact that some organizations even went so far as to push for aspects of the waiver gambit that have led to states defining proficiency down for poor and minority kids has also made them vulnerable to accusations from traditionalists that they care little for children while making it more difficult for allies to support them in other ways.

As I have noted, stronger standards alone aren't the only reason why student achievement has improved within this period; at the same time, the higher expectations for student success fostered by the standards (along with the accountability measures put in place by the No Child Left Behind Act, the expansion of school choice, reform efforts by districts such as New York City, and efforts by organizations such as the College Board and the National Science and Math Initiative to get more poor and minority students to take Advanced Placement and other college prep courses), has helped more students achieve success.

He and other reformers will have to make a strong case to families in the grassroots — especially the poor and minority households seeking better opportunities for their children — in order to beat back traditionalist forces.

In its review of the ESSA blueprint, the Georgia Partnership for Excellence in Education cautioned the performance of poor children, minorities, immigrants and other under - performing «subgroups» could be downplayed in the state scoring system.»

But the fact that the Obama administration granted Virginia a waiver in the first place in spite of its record of obstinacy on systemic reform, along with the fact that many of the 32 other states granted waivers (along with the District of Columbia) have also set low expectations for districts and schools to improve the achievement of the poor and minority kids in their care, has put President Obama in the uncomfortable position of supporting the soft bigotry of low expectations for children — especially those who share his race and skin color.

But the administration approved efforts by other states, including Tennessee and Michigan, to define proficiency down for poor and minority children.

Due to the requirement under the federal No Child Left Behind Act that each state's Title I plan must describe «the specific steps that the state education agency will take to ensure that poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers and the measures that the state education agency will use to evaluate and publicly report the progress,» TEA formed a stakeholder group, upon which TCTA served, to develop its State Educator Equity Plan.

Under the guidance, each state must submit to the department a plan that ensures «poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers.»

Meanwhile Trump's ascent into the White House bodes ill for one of the Obama Administration's most - admirable efforts: Holding districts accountable for overusing out - of - school suspensions and other harsh school discipline that put poor and minority children onto the school - to - prison pipeline, an important issue both on the education and criminal justice reform fronts.

«These results could easily indicate nothing other than the simple fact that charter schools are typically asked to serve problematic students in low - performing districts with many poor, minority children.»

From the so - called gifted - and - talented programs that end up doing little to improve student achievement (and actually do more damage to all kids by continuing the rationing of education at the heart of the education crisis), to the evidence that suburban districts are hardly the bastions of high - quality education they proclaim themselves to be (and often, serve middle class white children as badly as those from poor and minority households), it is clear that the educational neglect and malpractice endemic within the nation's super-clusters of failure and mediocrity isn't just a problem for other people's children.

More importantly, it serves children struggling with reading and other achievement gaps — especially kids from poor and minority households — abysmally.