Sentences with phrase «other public rights»

Not exact matches

Plank also promised in the letter that Under Armour will take «other public positions on legislation around the country in support of the interests of our teammates whenever policy conflicts with human rights.»

In an attempt to redress the wrongs of slavery following its abolition in 1865, Congress passed the 1875 Civil Rights Act — which, among other things, forbade most forms of discrimination in public accommodations.

Paul Alan Levy, an attorney for consumer rights advocacy group Public Citizen, told Consumerist that it doesn't just help the consumer, but it also protects other businesses that operate without non-disparagement agreements.

NEW YORK, April 19 - New York Governor Andrew Cuomo on Thursday ramped up pressure on banks and insurers to revisit whether their ties to the National Rifle Association and other gun rights groups harm their reputations and the public interest.

[00:08] Introduction [02:50] Tony introduces Ray Dalio [05:30] Ray's upbringing and early life [06:00] The first stock he bought [07:00] Getting hooked on the market [07:30] Why he wants to share his secrets now [08:15] The three stages of life [08:45] Finding joy in helping others achieve success [09:15] Creating principles in life [09:45] Why his new book is a recipe book [10:45] The two things you need to be successful [11:10] You have to stress test your ideas [11:50] The power of making mistakes [14:00] Public humiliation in 1982 [15:30] The most painful experience became the most powerful [15:50] Learning to ask: «How do I know I'm right?»

June 13, 2016 - CCGG Executive Director Stephen Erlichman was quoted in the National Post with regard to various REITs providing more rights to unitholders, as recommended in CCGG's policy on the Governance of Canadian REITs and Other Public Income Trusts.

and considered a number of other objective and subjective factors to determine the best estimate of the fair value of our common stock, including; issuances of preferred stock and the rights, preferences and privileges of our preferred stock relative to those of our common stock; and the likelihood of achieving a liquidity event, such as an initial public offering or sale given prevailing market conditions.

if required or permitted by law, including as necessary to comply with the law, to protect the rights or safety of our website, other users, or third parties (e.g., for fraud protection and credit risk reduction purposes; for protecting and defending the rights or property of Vision Critical, its customers, other users, or members of the public), or

Under certain circumstances, including if the public offering occurs prior to March 24, 2015, or if the right to purchase shares in the public offering conflicts with applicable securities laws, or if some other legal impediment or requirement would prevent or materially delay the consummation of or unreasonably interfere with either such offering or the purchase of the shares by Passport in such offering, then instead of the right to purchase shares in the public offering, Passport would have the right to purchase the same number of shares, at the same purchase price the shares in the public offering are sold to the public, in a separate and concurrent private placement transaction.

You acknowledge, consent and agree that we may access, preserve, and disclose your registration and any other information you provide if required to do so by law or in a good faith belief that such access preservation or disclosure is reasonably necessary to: (a) comply with legal process; (b) enforce this Agreement; (c) respond to claims of a violation of the rights of third - parties; (d) respond to your requests for customer service; or (e) protect the rights, property, or personal safety of The Defense Alliance of Minnesota, The Defense Alliance of Minnesota Affiliates, its users and the public.

Important factors that may affect the Company's business and operations and that may cause actual results to differ materially from those in the forward - looking statements include, but are not limited to, operating in a highly competitive industry; changes in the retail landscape or the loss of key retail customers; the Company's ability to maintain, extend and expand its reputation and brand image; the impacts of the Company's international operations; the Company's ability to leverage its brand value; the Company's ability to predict, identify and interpret changes in consumer preferences and demand; the Company's ability to drive revenue growth in its key product categories, increase its market share, or add products; an impairment of the carrying value of goodwill or other indefinite - lived intangible assets; volatility in commodity, energy and other input costs; changes in the Company's management team or other key personnel; the Company's ability to realize the anticipated benefits from its cost savings initiatives; changes in relationships with significant customers and suppliers; the execution of the Company's international expansion strategy; tax law changes or interpretations; legal claims or other regulatory enforcement actions; product recalls or product liability claims; unanticipated business disruptions; the Company's ability to complete or realize the benefits from potential and completed acquisitions, alliances, divestitures or joint ventures; economic and political conditions in the United States and in various other nations in which we operate; the volatility of capital markets; increased pension, labor and people - related expenses; volatility in the market value of all or a portion of the derivatives we use; exchange rate fluctuations; risks associated with information technology and systems, including service interruptions, misappropriation of data or breaches of security; the Company's ability to protect intellectual property rights; impacts of natural events in the locations in which we or the Company's customers, suppliers or regulators operate; the Company's indebtedness and ability to pay such indebtedness; the Company's ownership structure; the impact of future sales of its common stock in the public markets; the Company's ability to continue to pay a regular dividend; changes in laws and regulations; restatements of the Company's consolidated financial statements; and other factors.

We will enter into a registration rights agreement with SIH (with the direct and indirect members of REH II as designated beneficiaries) pursuant to which they will obtain demand and other rights to register their shares of common stock for public offer and sale.

Employee stock ownership under ESOPs gives workers confidential voting rights on major corporate issues, so that they have some formal corporate governance rights in closely held corporations, and in stock market companies, employee owners have the same rights as other public shareholders.

SCH entered into a registration rights agreement with our founders and their family trusts pursuant to which they obtained demand and other rights to have their shares of our common stock registered for public offer and sale, and we succeeded to this agreement as issuer upon the conversion.

If required to do so by law or in the good faith belief that such action is appropriate: (a) under applicable law, including laws outside your country of residence; (b) to comply with legal process; (c) to respond to requests from public and government authorities, including public and government authorities outside your country of residence; (d) to enforce our terms and conditions; (e) to protect our operations or those of any of our affiliates; (f) to protect our rights, privacy, safety or property, and / or that of our affiliates, you or others; and (g) to allow us to pursue available remedies or limit the damages that we may sustain.

RELEASE AND LIMITATIONS OF LIABILITY: By participating in any Aberdeen Group survey, entrants agree that Aberdeen Group and any other applicable sponsor, and its parents, affiliates, subsidiaries, representatives, consultants, contractors, legal counsel, advertising, public relations, promotional, fulfillment and marketing, web site providers, web masters, Aberdeen Group and their respective officers, directors, employees, representatives, and agents (The «Released Entities»), will have no liability whatsoever for, and shall be held harmless by entrants against any liability for any injuries, losses or damages of any kind to persons, including personal injury or death, or property resulting in whole or in part, directly or indirectly, from acceptance, possession, misuse or use of a prize, entry, or participation in any survey contests or in any survey contest related activity, or any claims based on publicity rights, defamation or invasion of privacy, or merchandise delivery.

The Christian Right wants public money to be used for private religious education (vouchers), buildings and services to be used for private religious purposes (this article), and they want subsidies in the form of tax breaks, special exemptions of other sorts, and they even want to destroy Aid to Needy Families so they can drive people into seeking help at their private religious «missions» where you are not allowed to eat unless you are a Christian, and so on.

Progressive legal theorists exploited this doctrinal disjunction to argue that the justices» opposition to economic reforms was fundamentally ideological and thus illegitimate: «If the public's evolving attitude towards liquor and lotteries had been sufficient to justify a rethinking of economic rights and federalism constraints, the argument went, then what else but the subjective policy preferences of the justices themselves could explain the Court's stubborn resistance to other, broadly popular forms of «social» legislation?»

The outstanding example, of course, is the Chinese government's long - running «one - child policy,» replete with forced abortions, public trackings of menstrual cycles, family flight, increased female infanticide, sterilization, and other assaults too numerous even to begin cataloguing here — in fact, so numerous that they are now widely, if often grudgingly, acknowledged as wrongs even by international human - rights bureaucracies.

If you can't name him right away, check Google... for reliability use Google to find out a report made public by the Johns Hopkins Universiity Blloomberg School of Public Health about the estimated figures on civilian casualties during the Iraq invasion... Just so you be aware that we too in America have our «Hitler», so publicly paraded in San Francisco, Rome and other places in the world during the height of the Iraqi invasion and make your own concluspublic by the Johns Hopkins Universiity Blloomberg School of Public Health about the estimated figures on civilian casualties during the Iraq invasion... Just so you be aware that we too in America have our «Hitler», so publicly paraded in San Francisco, Rome and other places in the world during the height of the Iraqi invasion and make your own conclusPublic Health about the estimated figures on civilian casualties during the Iraq invasion... Just so you be aware that we too in America have our «Hitler», so publicly paraded in San Francisco, Rome and other places in the world during the height of the Iraqi invasion and make your own conclusion...

Again, we can ask whether the spate of hate - speech and «equality» legislation in Britain and other European countries — not to mention the restrictions on public manifestations of faith, the right to which has been upheld again and again by both domestic and European courts — also falls foul of this Article.

that minimizes the historical suffering of women and minority groups in this country, 2) an overwrought persecution complex that confuses sharing civil rights with others with being persecuted by them, and 3) a persistent fear of the perceived «other» — Muslims, LGBT people, immigrants, refugees, etc. — that results in culture wars meant to «take back» the public square.

The Declaration affirms: «Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance» (Article 18).

One after another the state constitutions had declared that, as North Carolina's put it, «all men have a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences» (V: 71) The state constitutions indicated that the right of «free exercise» was meant to be absolute, at least to the point of not «disturb [ing] the public peace or obstruct [ing] others in their religious worship» (Massachusetts, 1780, V: 77) Equally straightforward was the opposition to «an establishment of religion.»

The exercise of rights and freedoms is limited «for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order, and general welfare in a democratic society.»

Let me take the instance of India to illustrate Operation Recolonization Limited, not because of idolatory of geography but because, if India, itself a great country in its own right with a socialistic public sector and intellectual culture were to be dominated, other countries, including even the Asian Tigers and China, may face the same doom tomorrow or the day after.

But one could say that the movement had never been other than «religiocified» «-- though it was the «Reverend» prefixing names like King, Young, Shuttlesworth, Fauntroy, Abernathy and Bevel that made the public aware of the deep religious roots of the civil rights movement and of black rhetoric.

There would be outrage from the religious right claiming the nudists don't have a right to infringe on others right not to have to see peoples junk in public.

It was especially this public linking of evangelicals with the political right, by Jerry Falwell and other public figures, that initially consolidated the religious right.

rjf Respect each other, sounds fine if the christians that do not respect the rights of LBGT people, that don't respect a woman's right to chose, that do not allow contraception, want their idols placed in the public domain, etc..

In the 1950s, Richard Hofstadter, Daniel Bell, and others employed this theory to explain the emergence of a political right wing in American public life.

As for the «narrow public witness» against which John Murdock rightly cautions, I really don't think «prioritizing» equals «ignoring,» such that to prioritize the defense of religious freedom and the right to life excludes other issues from the Church's social witness and public policy advocacy.

And they protect my right to speak about Jesus Christ in public without fear of fines or prison, as in other nations.

AA requires that you respect other folk's right to be anonymous, but anyone in the program has a perfect right to be public about their own dependency.

The problem of the sovereignty of the nation state will be at the heart of this working area and, closely linked to sovereignty will arise two other questions: that of citizenship (over and above nationality) and of property (struggle against the private appropriation of material and immaterial resources by «intellectual property rights»; the redefinition of state property; the development on an inter-national, supra - national and world level of new forms of socialisation, of public ownership, and of mutualisation of the property).

When Christians push their beliefs on the public, it is the Atheist position that this violates the rights of not only atheists, but of Jews, Muslims, and all other religions.

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

I have a problem with people who want to use public funds and resources to promote their beliefs, who use their beliefs to stifle others» civil rights, who try to inject their beliefs into public school science classes, and who want their children to have the ability to bully others» with their beliefs.

So this black person, who represents a group of colored people who were once segregated and considered less than whites, is attempting to rally in other black people to tell the public they don't consider gay people to have the same rights as straight people.

No Mark not all Atheists feel that way but most of us do feel that religion in the public square can be quite damaging especially when it comes to denying other their equal rights or when it tries to oppress people.

Marshall Frady and others are right: If everything was known then that is known now, Dr. King would early have been brought to public ruin, and there would almost certainly be no national holiday in his honor.

Christians won't try to force their religion on people in public places, schools, events, etc. and won't try to keep others from having equal right?

The platform planks for «32 embodied a number of Century concerns: U.S. adherence to the World Court protocol; U.S. entry into the League of Nations, provided that its covenant be amended to eliminate military sanctions; U.S. recognition of the Soviet Union (which was granted a year later); the safeguarding of the rights of conscientious objectors (including those denied citizenship, such as Canadian - born theologian D. C. Macintosh of Yale Divinity School); the abolition of compulsory military training in state - supported educational institutions other than military and naval academies; emergency measures for relief and public - works employment; the securing of constitutional rights for minorities; the reduction of gross inequality of income by steeply progressive rates of taxation on large incomes; «progressive socialization of the ownership and control of natural resources, public utilities and basic industries»; «the nationalization of our entire banking system»; and so on (June 8, 1932).

Whatever fault we may find with that document in other respects — and Anglicans may be grateful that it is no longer commonly said, as ancient prayer books required, at public worship on certain great festivals of the Christian year — it gives us the right understanding of this triunitarian conception of God when it affirms «This is the Catholic faith: that we worship Godhead in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity.»

However, he added: «He did, as he himself acknowledged, not handle that whole issue very well at reconciling his own personal faith with his public positions on gay rights and other issues.

But when compared to the religious and political right's success in defining what is good and in convincing the public of its truth, process and every other academic theology and philosophy pale by comparison.

The real issue here is the insurgence of hate groups and its members» willingness to express that hatred and need for division by any means necessary... including releasing songs featuring hateful lyrics, public posters and leaflets aimed at certain groups because of differences, and underground political activity for the purpose of derailing certain rights of others.

«The real issue is whether denominational leaders, of whom Land is perhaps the most public right now... have any intent on sharing real denominational leadership with Luter or other non-whites outside the traditional networks of denominational power,» said Bill Leonard, professor of Baptist studies and church history at Wake Forest University in North Carolina.

In other words, the Genocide Convention has given the campaigns for unilateral and absolute disarmament a basis in both public morality and human rights law.

It was an exercise in delusion, if not hypocrisy, because all that we said about equality, life, liberty, public happiness, freedom, the right of assembly, participation, and the other noble principles applied in fact only to the white man, not to the majority of persons in this country, who at that time were red, or to a sizable minority who were black and in chains.