Sentences with phrase «outcomes than all other parenting»

Not exact matches

It's not exactly clear what's behind the trend of more parents moving away from corporal punishment — it could be a result of doctors and other child health and welfare experts spreading the word about extensive and well - researched evidence showing a clear link between corporal punishment and negative outcomes for kids, or it could be that this form of punishing kids is less socially acceptable than it used to be, or a combination of both factors.

Infant deaths that occurred as a result of bed sharing under these circumstances have resulted in health authorities such as the American Academy of Pediatrics recommending that parents not sleep with their infants.6 It is ironic that not only does blanket condemnation of bed sharing potentially make parenting unnecessarily more difficult for some mothers, it also has the unintended outcome of increasing deaths in places other than beds, such as sofas.

In support of this model, multiple studies have shown the association between infant negative reactivity and later psychosocial outcomes such as problem behaviour and self - regulation to be moderated by parental behaviour, so that highly reactive children fare better than others when they experience optimal parenting but worse than others when they experience negative parenting.41 - 46 Further support is found in studies indicating that interventions targeting parental attitudes and / or behaviours are particularly effective for children with a history of negative reactive temperament.47, 49

«There are diagnostic tests for some of these kinds of pathologies that can be performed during pregnancy, but other than early detection, the expectant parents are limited to two choices, either to abort or to continue with the pregnancy, being fully aware of the outcome,» explains the North American scientist Travis Stracker.

Rather than making state bureaucrats solely responsible for holding hundreds or thousands of schools to account, we can share this responsibility with those with the greatest stake in the final outcome: parents and other adult caregivers.

In my research I have identified 34 different examples of charter school innovation, including small size; untenured teachers; contracts with parents; real parent and teacher involvement in school governance; outcome -(rather than input --RRB- based accreditation; service learning fully integrated into the curricula; unusual grade configurations; split sessions and extended school days and years to accommodate working students; and computer - assisted instruction for at - risk and other frequently absent students.

For this to happen, legislators, educators, parents, and the public must recognize that the civic dimension of our education system deserves more than lip service, but should be subject to the same scrutiny as other education outcomes.

Despite the painfully bad educational outcomes in many public schools in ghettos across the country, there are also cases where charter schools in the very same ghettos turn out students whose test scores are not only far higher than those in other ghetto schools, but sometimes are comparable to the test scores in schools in upscale suburban communities, where children come from intact families with highly educated parents.

Because of their increased dropout rate, as well as societal stigma surrounding them and a number of other factors, teenage parents and their children are at risk of experiencing worse psychosocial and socioeconomic outcomes than their peers (Kiselica & Pfaller, 1993; Coren et al., 2003).

After reviewing family research over the last decade, the issue's big takeaway, co-authored by Princeton sociologist Sara McLanahan and Brookings economist Isabel Sawhill, was this: Whereas most scholars now agree that children raised by two biological parents in a stable marriage do better than children in other family forms across a wide range of outcomes, there is less consensus about why.

One tactic might not necessarily have a better outcome than the other because there are also other factors shaping a parent's philosophy in dealing with the kids like culture or social influences.

In other words, when children are exposed to positive attitudes, they will experience better outcomes than children who see negative interactions between their parents.

While some families appear to cope more easily than others, there are compelling reasons to suggest that effective interventions may improve outcomes for parents and their families.

In almost all instances where mental health outcomes were explored, children of parents with BPD fared worse than control children, even when these control children had parents with significant mental health difficulties, for example, Weiss et al33 found that children of mothers with BPD (mean age around 11 years) had lower Child Global Assessment Schedule (CGAS) scores than children of mothers with other personality disorders, and that the mean of these scores was in the «non-functional» range.

The size of the CfC impacts on most outcomes was small, but can be considered positive relative to what was observed in the early phase of the UK Sure Start evaluation.3 The current results are also comparable in size to those found in the later impact evaluation of the Sure Start programme, in which 3 - year - old children were exposed to mature SSLP throughout their entire lives.4 Reviews of the effectiveness of early childhood interventions have found that most studies reported effect sizes on parenting and child outcomes that were small to moderate.14 15 When comparing CfC and SSLP with other interventions, it is important to remember that the evaluations of these interventions measured effects on an entire population, rather than on programme participants, as is the case in the evaluation of many other interventions.

For other health outcomes, associations were such that the odds of children experiencing highly negative parenting (conflict and smacking) having poor health were 1.3 to 2.2 times higher than those for children with low levels of negative parenting.

For the other health outcomes, the odds of having poor health for children with low skill parents ranged from being two to over four times higher than for children with high skill parents.

However, the findings suggest that the role of parenting in reducing health inequalities may be greater for some health outcomes and behaviours than others.

At an overall level, parenting skill was more strongly related to certain health outcomes and behaviours than others.

Other than fewer unrealistic expectations of their preschool children's behaviour, intervention parents did not differ from controls on parenting, parent mental health or child behaviour outcomes.

For example, negative outcomes for children might impact on maternal well - being and on confidence levels in relation to their parenting skills, rather than the other way round.

One of the reasons for negative child - rearing outcomes in divorced homes in which there is something other than sole authority in the custodial parent, e.g. the variety of joint custody «solutions,» is precisely that at every turn, the authority of the head of the children's household IS in fact undermined.