Sentences with phrase «over labour voters»

I've just returned from a remarkable fringe meeting at the party's annual autumn conference, in which Ian Dexter, a Ukip member, former candidate in county and district elections and potential parliamentary candidate for 2015, outlined his strategy for winning over Labour voters.
Any attempt to win over Labour voters, or voters in the North or Scotland appears to have been abandoned.

Not exact matches

Opinion polls showed that voters had opposed privatization at the outset (as did the press and many Conservative back benchers), but the Conservatives pointed out that Tony Blair rode to victory in part by abandoning «Clause Four» of the Labour Party's 1904 constitution, advocating state control over the means of production, distribution and exchange.
But in surveys conducted over the summer by The New Statesmen, Labour's members were 75 % ABC1 voters, 57 % degree holders and 15 % London dwellers.
What all this fuss over Clegg's overtures to Labour shows is that journalists and voters alike still haven't realised quite how desperate the Lib Dems are to cling on to power.
It is not the kind of thing which wins over wavering voters, but it is a sign of an advanced political strategist and gives a good indication of how Balls wants to shape Labour's image when the 2015 general election comes.
Labour made a net gain of just two from the Conservatives, whilst the Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands as the centre - left vote fragmented and centre - right voters moved over to the Tories.
It essentially became pointless with the introduction of FPTP for all seats, before that many seats used Block Voting and there were alliance slates in places (in some, Liberals, Nat Libs and Cons all put up one candidate each to LAbour's two; evidence was a lot of Lib voters supported Labour with second vote, but Tory and Nat Lib voters split all over the place).
«The Balls intervention perhaps highlights how there may be a range of different political responses to arguments about how and why part of Labour's electoral defeat was that it struggled with middle income, and particularly C2 voters, over issues like crime, welfare and immigration.»
Certainly to me (a floating voter) it looks as if Labour have moved a long way to the right and to the authoritarian over the last 15 years or so, and if they want their old supporters to listen to them, they may have to migrate back a bit to get the conversation started.
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
Perhaps unsurprisingly then, the Conservative Party is seen as particularly good for big business, with 34 per cent of voters favouring their approach over Labour's.
Over a third of Labour voters in 2015, where it went down to heavy defeat, said they would not vote for the party under him.
Over the weekend, Alexander, the beleaguered Lib Dem MP and Chief Secretary to the Treasury, openly urged Tory and Labour voters in his Highland's seat to support his bid to hold it against an insurgent Scottish National party challenger, Highlands council leader Drew Hendry.
And UKIP seemed to continue to win over the «left behind» voters who would once have been Labour's bedrock.
But scores that BES respondents gave on 0 (strongly dislike) to 10 (strongly like) scales for each of the parties show that both Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters more strongly prefer their own party over Labour than they prefer Labour over the SNP.
The broad strategy to win over Yes voters, however, is straightforward: vote Labour if you want to get rid of the Tories.
There is no doubt that Labour's failure to win over enough voters in Middle England marginal constituencies cost it the election, and it is equally true that Tony Blair's New Labour project was successful in this regard in the 1990s and 2000s.
Bluntly, your hope is that an issue that matters to you and to many educated middle - class people (but not to most Labour voters, who may well regard the idea in the same way as many Conservatives, as a way to give unfair influence to Liberal Democrats), electoral reform, is important enough to form an electoral alliance over, despite the fact this would leave many party members unable to vote (and who would get to stand in say Durham or Redcar anyway?).
Yet this is from the same people who presided over losing five million Labour voters from 1997 to 2010 whilst Ed Miliband increased Labour's vote by 600,000.
If Mr Murphy is to achieve his ambition of successfully defending all of his party's citadels, Labour will have to win over voters who at present could not seriously contemplate voting for the party at all.
He warned they would all become vulnerable in 2015 if nothing is done quickly to win over support from Labour's tactical voters.
Labour hasn't yet been able to make significant inroads into the SNP support base, which remains at the same level that delivered last year's majority, and needs to focus on winning over voters who backed the SNP at last year's election.
Over the next few years the PM assisted by his Chancellor must show to every voter that the Tory Party is the party of real aspiration, something the modern Labour Party has no desire to be.
And the broad rule of thumb is that the Tories reclaim Ukip voters by a ratio of around 2:1 over Labour.
For Labour, concessions to this by constant apologies that the last government got it «wrong» on immigration or saying there are «legitimate concerns» on immigration are seen in the same way and risk repelling significant sections of the electorate, especially among those Labour needs to win over or persuade to turn out — notably 2010 Liberal Democrats and ethnic minority voters.
Labour was more popular amongst younger voters in 2015 as well and Labour's popularity increased amongst all ages except for those over 70.
Labour's peers have indicated the time for constructive ambiguity is over - our members & voters will be delighted with this clear signal we will oppose with this Tory Brexit
The current Tory government received the support of just over a third of voters and less than a quarter of the electorate, the last Labour government much the same.
B4 shows that among Remain voters, Labour has gained over 10 % since the election was called and are approaching 50 % of all Remain voters.
By mid-November, in its key seats, Labour had contacted over 15,000 voters per constituency, 21 % on average.
Even by its own limited standards Labour's move to the Right failed, since the endless attempt to triangulate in search of the «floating voter» erodes trust and alienates Labour's base; 5 million lost voters over the New Labour years is testament to that.
«I think we have a good shot at taking over from Labour as the opposition because Labour are imploding and Labour voters for the first time ever have defied their party, voting for leave,» Banks said on Wednesday.
That's a lot of activists - 1,000, I'm told - but there's some confidence here that Labour voters are swinging over to the SNP.
There, Labour received the voters» favour, over the nationalist party Plaid Cymru.
For the Tories to win the next election outright, they need to claw back voters from Ukip, hope Labour loses their votes back to the Lib Dems, and then somehow win over a whole bunch of other voters they failed to persuade in 2010.
In a sign of how effectively the coalition has blamed Labour for the economic malaise, many voters would still blame the party even if there was economic decline over the next 12 months - a full year after it lost power.
David Davis has made an open bid for Labour voters in his unique by - election campaign over civil liberties.
A mysterious group called Saving Labour, which declines to comment on its leadership or funding — allegedly for fear of being abused — is organising over a hundred street stalls, paying for content on Facebook and even mounting an advertising campaign in the pages of the Guardian and the Observer in order to collect voters who will oppose Corbyn.
Communication: The Labour leader has been told he needs to use more «direct language» to win over voters
Voters do not like divided parties and the Tories now enjoy a significant advantage over Labour on unity (in early May ICM found that 64 % of voters thought Labour divided but only 48 % thought the same of the ConservatVoters do not like divided parties and the Tories now enjoy a significant advantage over Labour on unity (in early May ICM found that 64 % of voters thought Labour divided but only 48 % thought the same of the Conservatvoters thought Labour divided but only 48 % thought the same of the Conservatives).
Other Labour figures are concerned that Mr Miliband has failed to develop a clear strategy for responding to Ukip and its voters» concerns over immigration and Europe.
But there have been remarkably few defections among Labour voters to the Tory camp over the past five years.
The long - running British Election Study, which has followed a 30,000 - strong panel of voters over the past three years, found Labour picked up significant support from remain - minded voters, despite its ambiguous stance on what sort of Brexit deal to pursue.
I've been a Labour voter for over 40 years and I've just been rejected by the party as a supporter.
Some working class Labour voters are also reportedly returning to the red column as anger over the 10p tax band diminshes.
Labour voters put us over the top in a series of seats won from the Conservatives in 1997 and 2001.
We now represent a swathe of seats in university towns where middle class Labour voters were won over by our policy on tuition fees and our uncompromising internationalism on Iraq.
Whilst we do need to win over BME voters — particularly younger voters — we mustn't try to do so by pretending that we agree with the «leaders» of particular communities and imitating Labour's approach.
Scottish Labour needs clarity over its key purpose and then needs to find a way of expressing it in language activists can explain and voters can understand.
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