Risks such as faecal contamination, malnutrition and lack of
parental cognitive stimulation are likely to interact.
To control for this possibility, we include our measure of bullying at age 4 years, measured contemporaneously with the main predictors (ie, early
parental cognitive stimulation, emotional support, and television viewing).
Results
Parental cognitive stimulation and emotional support at age 4 years were each independently protective against bullying, with a significant odds ratio of 0.67 for both variables associated with a 1 - SD increase (95 % confidence interval, 0.54 - 0.82 for cognitive stimulation and 0.54 - 0.84 for emotional support).
Using data from a nationally representative data set, we regressed 4 measures of cognitive development at ages 6 and 7 years on television viewing before age 3 years and at ages 3 to 5 years, controlling for
parental cognitive stimulation throughout early childhood, maternal education, and IQ.
Design Using data from a nationally representative data set, we regressed 4 measures of cognitive development at ages 6 and 7 years on television viewing before age 3 years and at ages 3 to 5 years, controlling for
parental cognitive stimulation throughout early childhood, maternal education, and IQ.
Not exact matches
Subsequent prospective studies yielded similar results, whether they controlled for
parental age, child age, race and family structure; 12 poverty, child age, emotional support,
cognitive stimulation, sex, race and the interactions among these variables; 13 or other factors.14 — 17 These studies provide the strongest evidence available that physical punishment is a risk factor for child aggression and antisocial behaviour.
The lack of differences between preterms randomly fed breast milk or an appropriate formula is consistent with our findings that the correlation of breastfeeding with more optimal
cognitive function is actually attributable to quality of
parental intellectual endowment or
stimulation unless the infant formula is nutritionally deficient.
It is also possible that a high score on the
cognitive stimulation subscale is a proxy for a broad range of nurturing
parental behaviors that are eventually associated with prosocial behavior, such as positive interactions with peers and teachers.
On the basis of this previous theoretical and empirical work, we hypothesized that (1) early
cognitive stimulation, (2) early
parental emotional support, and (3) early viewing of television would predict subsequent bullying behavior, controlling for baseline bullying.
The
cognitive stimulation score generally includes items related to outings, reading, playing, and
parental roles in teaching a child.
ECD programmes can take many forms, including promotion of good health and nutrition, support for safe and stimulating environments, protection from risks such as violence or abandonment, parenting support and early learning experiences, media, preschools and community groups.4 Poverty is the key underlying cause of poor child development; children living in poverty are exposed to many negative influences, including poor physical environments, inadequate nutrition,
parental stress and insufficient
cognitive stimulation.5 Undernutrition can influence brain development directly by affecting brain structure and function, or indirectly via poor physical or motor development, in addition to other pathways.6 — 8 Exposure to multiple co-occurring risks most likely contributes to greater disparities in developmental trajectories among children with differential exposure.9 — 12 This paper focuses on associations between specific aspects of children's physical environments — access to improved water and sanitation (W&S)-- and childhood development as measured by performance on a test of receptive language.
As noted in the previous chapter, health inequalities can be fairly broadly defined to include differences in: specific health outcomes (such as low birthweight, obesity, long - term conditions, accidents); health related risk factors that impact directly on children (such as poor diet, low levels of physical activity, exposure to tobacco smoke); as well as exposure to wider risks from
parental / familial behaviours and environmental circumstances (maternal depression and / or poor physical health, alcohol consumption, limited interaction, limited
cognitive stimulation, poor housing, lack of access to greenspace).
Individual aspects (students»
cognitive capacities and earlier developmental
stimulations) as well as external conditions (
parental coping competences and parent - youth - coorientation) were assessed and included into a path model.
For example, compared to older mothers, teen mothers display lower levels of verbal
stimulation and involvement, higher levels of intrusiveness, and maternal speech that is less varied and complex.47, 48 Mothers with fewer years of education read to their children less frequently25, 49 and demonstrate less sophisticated language and literacy skills themselves, 50 which affects the quantity and quality of their verbal interactions with their children.2
Parental education, in turn, relates to household income: poverty and persistent poverty are strongly associated with less stimulating home environments, 51 and parents living in poverty have children who are at risk for
cognitive, academic, and social - emotional difficulties.52, 53 Finally, Hispanic and African American mothers are, on average, less likely to read to their children than White, non-Hispanic mothers; 54 and Spanish - speaking Hispanic families have fewer children's books available in the home as compared to their non-Hispanic counterparts.25 These racial and ethnic findings are likely explained by differences in family resources across groups, as minority status is often associated with various social - demographic risks.
Goodness of fit values were not satisfactory for
cognitive stimulation,
parental aspiration and coercive discipline, and path models for these are therefore not presented.
Results Regression analyses revealed that three aspects of parenting, intellectual home environment,
parental aspiration and
cognitive stimulation, were positively and independently associated with offspring childhood
cognitive ability, whereas coercive discipline was negatively and independently associated.
Specifically, we found benefits of the intellectual environment,
cognitive stimulation and
parental aspiration and costs of coercive discipline.
First, children's sustained attention and impulsivity at age 4.5 years partially mediated the relation between parenting quality (as measured by a composite index of physical and social resources in the home, observer ratings of
parental sensitivity and
cognitive stimulation) at 4.5 years and children's academic achievement (as measured by performance on standardized reading and mathematics tests) at age 6 (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003).
Table 5 shows that
cognitive stimulation, the provision of an intellectual environment,
parental aspiration and the use of coercive discipline at offspring age 4 years were independently associated with offspring ability in the expected directions, after G1
cognitive ability was adjusted.