Later, following the death of the second King Charles and the «Glorious Revolution» of 1688,
Parliamentary supremacy was entrenched in the Bill of Rights, but without an electoral system capable of producing a Parliament representative of the people as a whole.
When a court is considering the validity of a statutory instrument made under a Henry VIII power, its role in upholding
Parliamentary supremacy is particularly striking, as the statutory instrument will be purporting to vary primary legislation passed into law by Parliament.
The Court wrote «that with the adoption of the Charter, the Canadian system of government was transformed to a significant extent from a system of
Parliamentary supremacy to one of constitutional supremacy».
The first is that the addition of section 52 (1) in 1982 transformed Canada from a state governed by
parliamentary supremacy into a state governed by constitutional supremacy.
As Australian judge Ashley Black has noted, the broad discretion it afforded to judges eventually came to be seen as incompatible with
parliamentary supremacy.
Human Rights Protection in Australia: Interpretation Provisions and
Parliamentary Supremacy / JULIE TAYLOR
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parliamentary supremacy separation of powers
I can well understand the government of the day or a proponent of
Parliamentary Supremacy being unhappy with our constitution and our courts, but, like King John at Runnymede, they need to get over it and just learn to live within the law.
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parliamentary supremacy section 7
In a recent blog post on Double Aspect, Leonid Sirota argues (omitting some far more colourful language) that our courts continue to struggle with reconciling the basic concepts of
parliamentary supremacy and the rule of law, which are said to be in conflict with one another.
There has been some academic and legal debate as to whether the Acts of Union 1707 place limits on
parliamentary supremacy.
Not exact matches
But Clause 18 of the EU Bill is not a «sovereignty clause» and it would clearly undermine
parliamentary sovereignty, by encouraging judicial
supremacy.
Thus, although the individual norms of the source of EU law take precedence in the domestic legal order, the
supremacy of the source itself could never be unconditional and absolute in the same way as
Parliamentary Sovereignty.
The greatest single insult to
parliamentary or legislative
supremacy over the Executive in our system of government was the supposed introduction of the 2003 budget by Mike Harris's Minister of Finance (aka «Provincial Treasurer») at a Magna plant.
As she will know perfectly well, the doctrine is
Parliamentary Sovereignty, not ministerial or House of Commons
supremacy.
For one thing, the constitution does not «recognize the «
supremacy of Parliament»» — those words appear nowhere in the Constitution Acts, and while
Parliamentary sovereignty is arguably one of the constitution's underlying principles, it is subject to the limits imposed by constitutional text and other such principles.
In the Committee's view, the very notion of the
supremacy of retained EU law is «conceptually flawed, sits uncomfortably with the doctrine of
parliamentary sovereignty and is a potential source of legal confusion».