Sentences with phrase «part of a social movement»

So in many cases, it's not simply the case that a person is going to work; they're also part of a social movement.

He encouraged evangelical protestants to engage current events and be part of social movements, leading a charge for Christians to retake a mantle of influence in global affairs.

The drinks industry charity The Benevolent has decided to be part of a social movement aimed at changing the perception of mental health difficulties and advocating for stigma - free conversations in the workplace.

And I just don't feel like as a public school parent, I have much of a voice except to become a part of a social movement, a protest movement which is saying that it's too much.»

It includes work that played a role within that wider visual culture, or subculture, as part of a social movement.

Not exact matches

Nguyen [Color's founder] has visions of fundamentally changing some aspects of social interaction and local discovery with the app, which he considers part of the so - called Post-PC movement.

As social media emerges as a commerce vehicle (most recently, Twitter's «Buy Now» button makes it easier for people to purchase via a tweet), e-commerce retailers should be gearing up to be part of the movement.

People want to be a part of a company and movement that helps others, and an authentic social mission can turn customers into loyal brand evangelists.

Ms. Caro Diaz is part of the Organizing and Capacity Building Team at the Center for Popular Democracy and provides support to social movements in Puerto Rico struggling against the debt and austerity measures proposed by a Fiscal Control Board.

The lab is part of a global movement where several countries are using public and social innovation labs to tackle society's most intractable problems.

Canadian designer Nathan Zhang is part of a growing movement around social responsibility sweeping China's major cities.

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His part of Switzerland had been heavily under the influence of Ragaz of Zurich, the blazing prophet of social Christianity who, like his friend Walter Rauschenbusch, saw in the labor movement the greatest single contemporary salient of the advancing kingdom of God.

It was no wonder that the greatest of Jewish social scientists were part of the Conservative movement.

The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «liberal» because it was concerned for church union and social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.

Perhaps the most effective mobilization of church power for social change in recent decades has been on the part of black churches in the south in support of the civil rights movement.

It was this social and critical dimension, understood as an intrinsic part of evangelical and pietistic commitment, that gave the early missionary movement its distinctive character.

These publicists are aware of the irony of their position — that their own «upward social mobility was, in large part, made possible by the struggles of those in the civil rights movement and the more radical black activists they now scorn.

Cone blended the racial pride of the black power movement with an emphasis on social justice that had been a part of the black church since enslaved Africans first read the Bible.

Fundamentalist Hindu opposition to change of the traditional Hindu social order had played a large part in the creation and strengthening of the RSS ideology of opposition to other religions and to movements of Hindu reformation.

Although maintaining an emphasis on individual transformation as the key, recent years have witnessed a movement beyond this exclusive focus to advocate the need for transformation on all levels — individual, interpersonal, institutional, and political — and the explicit valuation of social engagement as part of committed spiritual practice.

If we unpack the culture - wars argument carefully, we will see that the answer rests in large part on the differences between the institutions of politics and government and the social movements that are the focus of the culture - wars rhetoric.

We do not know the cultural background and ethnic origins of the tribes that took part in the movement which we know best as Joshua's conquest of Palestine, yet the influence of the Arabian Desert was strong upon them, if we may judge from such information as we possess of their social life in the immediately following period.

Prophets arise at certain historical, social moments and are invariably part of movements.

As Paul Markhan wrote in an excellent essay about the phenomenon, young people who identify with this movement have grown weary of evangelicalism's allegiance to Republican politics, are interested in pursuing social reform and social justice, believe that the gospel has as much to do with this life as the next, and are eager to be a part of inclusive, diverse, and authentic Christian communities.

The development in the civil rights movement of doubts about the full effectiveness of non-violence may represent in part a yielding to emotions less disciplined by ethical considerations; but it also reflects the discovery of some complexities of effective social action.

By the 1960's, however, this movement had won respectability so thoroughly that it is sometimes regarded by the current crop of social action leaders as simply part of the Establishment.

Prevailing social forces, a generation or two of «progressive» leadership, and a desire on the part of many to avoid identification with the caricatures of the movement have effected profound changes.

Most Likely to Totally Nail It in Less Than 600 Words: Mason Slater at Deeper Story with «Gender and the Gospel» «So then part of faithfully proclaiming that Gospel is proclaiming to the people of God that gender, social class, and ethnicity do not define who God can use and how he can use them... So yes, I think the neo-Reformed movement is right, gender roles have everything to do with the Gospel.

In the Life and Work movement of the non-Catholic churches in their search for social justice and international peace (which is now part of the WCC) and in the Second Vatican Council of the Roman Church, Christian Ecumenism has given up the church's traditional pietist and negativist approaches to modernity and has been involved in the attempt to redefine the forces and values of secular culture within the framework of Christian anthropology.

Currently the most influential version, of course, is associated with movements shaped by liberation theologies: We come to understand God as we are a part of a community that is united by a common history of oppression and struggles for liberation by radically changing the arrangements of economic and social power that have made the oppression systemic in our society.

Also, the Book of Deuteronomy is, per se, eloquent testimony to the reality of the movement, for, though it purports to be a «second law,» it was in reality a revision of the ancient social legislation that in considerable part Israel had taken over from the Canaanites.

Five social movements from different parts of the world will meet in Davos 30th of January 99.

Parents, teachers / schools, child care providers, psychologists, social workers, nanny's and more can be a part of this growing movement to help empower our youth to be responsible, respectful, and resourceful.

«These effects show that movement is a fundamental part of music that affects social behavior from a very young age.»

He wasn't thinking only of the party, but of the party as part of a wider social movement.

The effort, part of a national movement through the Family Policy Alliance and a network of 40 additional state - based groups, underscores the skepticism some social conservatives held for Trump's candidacy and lifestyle.

«The reality is that migrants from other EU countries are very beneficial to the UK's economy, notably because they help to address skills shortages and pay more tax and social security contributions per head, and get fewer benefits, than UK workers; that free movement of workers is a key part of the EU's single market; that hundreds of thousands of UK nationals work in other EU countries.»

«From Egypt to Tunisia, from Wisconsin to «Occupy Wall Street» there is a movement for social justice in this country and the living wage fight in New York is an integral part of it,» said Stuart Appelbaum, president of the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union.

I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader social background part of their political strategy, but certainly not the end of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed because they «reflect the values of the union movement» — rather than just being from a particular social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)

Moreover, the incentive seems to be intrinsic, as it allows members to define their identity as part of a larger social movement.

Where: Los Angeles, California In a Nutshell: Kayla Itsines is part of a social media powered movement that is changing the way consumers interact with the fitness industry.

Part of the Rive Gauche film movement (the nouvelle vague's even more rebellious sibling) she created films that deal with mortality, time and a revised social realism.

What we need, according to Richard Kahn, Sam Fassbinder and Anthony Nocella, is a critical intervention by visionary educational leaders who are willing to going together with social movements, in order to transfigure the relationship between the school and the society as part of a larger struggle for liberation.

While these strategies and genres have for sure been used in traditional media outlets, they have also been part of a major paradigm shift within peace movement campaigns towards online social media based campaigns for peace.

Simply being able to observe them at work is proof of what is possible, of what I can perhaps achieve, when it comes to transforming education and being part of this movement for social justice.»

Eisenhower's Little Rock Nine stand, like many other historic acts of courage by U.S. Presidents, was prompted — in part — by social movements and activists.

«I guess the important thing to say is we're just very conscious of the fact that we're part of a broader movement that needs to figure out how to fund social services — and we're trying to ask people to see April 1 in that broader context,» CTU Vice President Jesse Sharkey said Wednesday.

We are a part of a movement for young people who exit their schooling not just with academic gains but as young adults who have received an education for social, emotional and citizenship development.

However, thanks in part to social - media movements like #BlackLivesMatter and #WeNeedDiverseBooks, the variety and quantity of books by and about black lives is expanding, and this is good news, since they highlight the distinct ways in which black lives are erased from mainstream American life, even as they remain integral to our nation's dreams of liberty and equality.