Deputy prime minister Nick Clegg announced his party's intention to block boundary changes, thought to be worth around 20 MPs to the Tory
party at the next election, as a direct response to the failure of his plans to make the Lords reform a mainly elected second chamber.
Only just over half (52 %) of Conservative defectors to UKIP, and only 60 % of Lib Dem defectors to Labour, ruled out returning to their 2010
parties at the next election.
For the 2011 and 2012 local elections the model is fairly certain that the Conservatives will be the largest
party at the next election.
We fear, sadly, that Nick Clegg's lustre is too tarnished to be of much assistance to
the party at the next election.
The uncertainty produced by the rise of UKIP is even more dramatically illustrated by a second model, which predicts the probability that the Conservatives or Labour will be the largest
party at the next election.
This forecast (which, incidentally, is almost identical to Steve Fisher's latest forecast — based on polling data — for all parties except the Liberal Democrats) suggests that the Conservatives are likely to be the largest
party at the next election.
«This is what will make the difference between a slender victory for the Labour
party at the next election or a substantial working majority.
I've talked to two Conservative MPs in the last week in parliament who are now talking about the threat of annihilation of the Conservative
party at the next election.»
8.30 pm update: Ian Gibson, the Labour MP for Norwich North has been barred by a Labour disciplinary panel from standing again for
the party at the next election (the same fate was delivered to three MPs who had already announced they were standing down: Margaret Moran, Elliot Morley and David Chaytor).
One in four Labour voters could switch to
another party at the next election amid confusion over its stance on Brexit, according to a new poll.
Robin Cook, the Shadow Secretary of State for Trade and Industry stated that he would not run, as he did not believe he was attractive enough to the general electorate and that this would damage
the party at the next election.
These are terrible figures for a man who says he will lead
his party at the next election, suggests YouGov President Peter Kellner
The Tories have risen four points, with 43 % of voters saying they would vote for
the party at the next election, while Labour has dropped two points to 27 %.
This provides some opening for
the party at the next election.
Not exact matches
He might be able to make a new Conservative
Party out of the failures of the Progressive Conservative Party of Alberta and he might be able to get the folks who don't want to vote Wildrosie to vote for his party candidates at the next provincial elec
Party out of the failures of the Progressive Conservative
Party of Alberta and he might be able to get the folks who don't want to vote Wildrosie to vote for his party candidates at the next provincial elec
Party of Alberta and he might be able to get the folks who don't want to vote Wildrosie to vote for his
party candidates at the next provincial elec
party candidates
at the
next provincial
election.
Despite the rough first year, Premier Redford's Tories still have
at least three years left until the
next election to fulfill the promises made and mend fences with the bloc of moderate voters who saved their
party from defeat one year ago today.
He could quietly complete his term as a Wildrose MLA and retire
at the
next election, or he could run for another
party or as an Independent candidate (given his style, this may be the likely option).
At this moment, the Republican
party, and the conservative cause with it, has a better than even chance of claiming an across the board supremacy in
next November's
election.
For those unfamiliar with Westminster systems, most parliamentary votes are, as the British say, subject to the
party whip: that is, members are expected to vote with the
party leadership and are subject to severe retribution (such as being «de-certified» as a
party - supported candidate
at the
next election) if they resist the whip.
If the
party rejects the true believers, they risk driving them into a new
party which will,
at least for the
next election, leave the Democrats as the largest
party with other votes split.
«The
next election» said Kirsty Walk on Newsnight on November 12th «will
at least be partly fought on the
parties» understanding of how modern families work».
This is deeply
at odds with the
party leadership who are thought to prefer another deal with Cameron after the
next election.
Owusu Amankwah is touted as the key man to increase the
party's presidential votes from 37, 853, representing 71.41 per cent in 2012, to
at least 40,000 in the
next elections according to the
party's estimation, and maintain the
party's seat in Parliament.
Not having a two
party system is probably also helping to suppress it - our current wannabe demagogue is named Pauline Hanson, and she's relegated to a minor
party (although she likes to publicly make - believe that her
party will form government
at the
next election).
An inkling of the movement for constitutional reform
at the practical level of electoral politics may be traced to the Joint Commission on the Constitution set up in 1981 by the Alliance, with the purpose to «examine the policies for reform of the British constitution, in particular of the electoral system... that our
parties should present together
at the
next election for implementation» (Joint Liberal / SDP Alliance Commission on Constitutional Reform 1983: 1).
Although, Mr Draper said the union wholeheartedly supported the
election of a Labour government
at the
next general
election, he urged Labour leader Ed Miliband to put clear blue water between the
party and the Tories.
Yet a transnational template to the contrary was received with virtually unanimous acclaim across the ideological spectrum right from the beginning of the constitutional and organic legislative revision process, well before many
parties had even been formed, let alone knew anything about their fortunes
at the
next elections.
To take into account the aspects explained above, I introduce the following control variables: MP received an office budget uplift; MP is a London MP; MP held a frontbench position in 2014 - 15 [12]; MP stood down
at the
next election; the time it takes to drive from the constituency to Westminster; and the MP's
party affiliation.
At the same time, Cuomo is being pushed to call
elections for Senate seats that could potentially open, including one expected to be vacated in the Bronx
next month by Ruben Diaz, Sr., in order to keep the
party's numbers in the chamber.
Now may not be the best time to propose adoption of a nomination vote
at Westminster, when the
next election seems far away, and both major
parties claim they are confident of winning an overall majority.
Ultimately therefore the decision to extend voting rights to younger people will depend on both whether Labour wins the
next election and crucially whether the
party sees it as advantageous to increase its vote share slightly
at the expense of becoming more reliant on a coalition of disparate interests.
What I don't really see is how the Labour
party holding three pilots in this Parliament, or even selecting all of its candidates in some form of primary
at the
next election or the time after would make any really significant difference to arguments for or against first - past - the - post, the Alternative Vote, AV +, AMS, STV and various hybrids thereof.
The Labour manifesto for the 2010 general
election again reiterated support for the third runway subject to environmental conditions, but added that the
party «will not allow additional runways to proceed
at any other airport in the
next Parliament.»
The Liberal Democrats will stand
at the
next general
election on a platform of derailing Brexit and keeping Britain in the European Union, the
party has announced.
Jeremy Corbyn has talked up Labour's chances
at next month's local
elections despite pollsters predicting his
party is headed for a drubbing.
However, I predict that Labour's unwillingness to engage with a left - wing Euroscepticism could lead to the alienation of the roughly one - quarter to one - third of Labour voters who oppose British EU membership, leading many of them to turn away from the
party at the
next general
election.
«All those supporting it will achieve is split their own
party, cast questions over the prime minister's authority and indirectly help Labour's prospects
at the
next general
election.»
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the
next election, terrified of doing anything
at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the
party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
Writing for the ConservativeHome website, Morgan warned that the
party could lose support
at the
next election if it appeared to be lacking empathy and compassion.
When David Cameron made his big speech in January 2013, he was hoping to unite his
party and put the issue to bed until
at least after the
next general
election.
In our analysis of 100 years of fiscal squeezes in the UK, we found that hard revenue or spending squeezes were associated with a 77 to 86 per cent likelihood of the incumbent
parties in government losing
at the
next general
election, compared with the 38 to 42 per cent likelihood of losing the
next election that was associated with soft revenue and spending squeezes.
Using the right techniques local
elections can give us a pretty good indication of how well
parties might do
at the
next national
election.
Or if the Libertarians get a lot of votes, the popular
party will become more liberate and get the votes back
at the
next election.
The actual numbers give mixed support for the idea that local
elections tell us how well a
party will do
at the
next election.
Nearly two - thirds of the time the
party that receives the most number of votes
at local
elections goes on the get the most votes
at the
next national
election.
These figures suggest that local
election can give us a general idea of how well a
party will do
at the
next election, but one that is only a rough estimate
at best.
The stakes could not be higher: a poor speech puts May
at immediate risk of an internal leadership challenge; a solid speech means the assumed timetable of a two year premiership remains viable; a great speech means people might even start believing she's capable of leading the
Party into the
next election.
To make it count, each must show the Labour
party that they can unite it, probably on a moderate anti-austerity platform, and convince it that there is still all to play for
at the
next election.
And it still depends on fluking a hung Parliament
at the
next election, with Labour as the largest single
party and having enough LibDems to produce a workable majority... and that's before the horse - trading on policies begins.
Harman attacked the Conservative
Party at the Labour Party Conference 2007, referring to them as the «nasty party» and suggesting that there would be little competition at the next elec
Party at the Labour
Party Conference 2007, referring to them as the «nasty party» and suggesting that there would be little competition at the next elec
Party Conference 2007, referring to them as the «nasty
party» and suggesting that there would be little competition at the next elec
party» and suggesting that there would be little competition
at the
next election.