Sentences with phrase «party vote percentage»

In this case the tactic maintained some proportionality by bypassing the 5 % threshold, but is largely disfavoured by the public due to it awarding smaller parties extra list seats while parties with a higher party vote percentage that don't win an electorate receive no seats; this occurred in 2008 when ACT was awarded 5 seats on the back of one electorate seat and 3.7 % of the party vote, while New Zealand First with no electorate seats and 4.1 % of the party vote were awarded none.

Not exact matches

In the six by - elections where there had previously been a PC MLA, the governing party saw its percentage of the vote decline.
So it is not hard to draw districts that give you a prescribed percentage of votes: for example, getting 51 %, 51 % and 0 % would be a very good outcome for a party holding 34 % of the total votes in a three - districts area.
The party even performed poorer in the 2012 Presidential elections in terms of the percentage of votes obtained by the flagbearer.
That parties in the US get less seats than percentage of voters may also just be because the voting system is a majority voting system not a proportional one, similar to the UK but additionally with partisan district partitioning which allows gerrymandering.
For example, suppose that voters are evenly split between two political parties, but the nine equal population single member districts are drawn so that the favored party wins by just 5 percentage points in eight districts, while the disfavored party wins by 40 percentage points in another district, you've converted a 50 - 50 division of the population vote into 8 seats for the favored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error in its favor in the eight districts it wins and a 0.1 seat rounding error against it in the one district it loses), and 1 seat for the disfavored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it wins).
According to our analysis of the 2002 election, a typical member of the labour force was only 4.7 percentage points more likely to vote for a center - right party if he was an insider than if he was an outsider (and this difference was not statistically signifi - cant).
The second piece of the model was the percentage of the parliamentary votes represented by either extreme parties, or by extreme members of the moderate parties, E.
The party also received 140 of the 225 positions that were elected via a nationwide contest, in which seats are assigned in proportion to each party's percentage of the vote.
Parties, that have achieved 5 % votes on party lists are allocated extra seats so that at the end of the day percentage of their seats roughly corresponds percentage of votes they had received.
I suspect that things may look a little different if you look at just the percentage fall for the main government party (and, actually, I'm about to check that) and the massive swing will have been exaggerated by the Tories not bothering in a part of the world where they've been voting tactically for over a century, but it's not entirely meaningless.
Despite a vote of no confidence, Corbyn has insisted he won't resign, citing the large mandate he won in the 2015 leadership election, when he finished 40 percentage points ahead of his nearest challenger in a vote of party members.
Even their «victory» in Bristol masked a decline in the percentage of Bristolians voting for Nick Clegg's party.
On average the vote shares for each party from the 1999 - 2009 are 8.75 percentage points different from their vote shares at the next general election, almost double that of local elections.
Most states allow parties that received a certain percentage of votes in the previous election to nominate a candidate in the next election.
For example, when pollsters fail to prompt by party names when asking voting intention, the Lib Dem vote share falls by several percentage points.
While the overall percentages did not change, the composition of votes for individual parties changed dramatically.
[11] The party received its highest percentage of votes in Edinburgh Central with 0.3 %, or 119 votes.
This is illustrated in Figures 2 to 4 which show, respectively, the percentage of the vote gained by the Conservative, Liberal and Labour parties in general elections since 1959.
Percentage of total constituency and London - wide votes by party from 2000 to 2012.
Percentage of first preference votes by party from 2000 to 2012.
Its most well - known member was John Alderdice, who became leader of the party ahead of the 1987 general election, contested the Belfast East parliamentary seat and received 32 % of the vote, the highest percentage ever achieved by Alliance in an individual seat in a Westminster election.
High PVVs are only likely to happen when a party has one or a very small number of MPs but an appreciable percentage of the vote.
The Liberal Democrats remained the second largest party by total seats and percentage vote, while the Labour Party had the largest net gain of five sparty by total seats and percentage vote, while the Labour Party had the largest net gain of five sParty had the largest net gain of five seats.
The case relies in part on the idea of an «efficiency gap» — that the number of districts a party holds varies widely from the percentage of the total vote the party received, an argument he rejects.
If the boundaries of such Election District have been created or changed since the last preceding General Election at which members of Assembly were elected then the above formula shall apply based on that percentage of the number of persons enrolled in the Party in such Election District on the list of enrolled voters last published by the Board of Elections which the total vote cast in the County for governor under the Party emblem at the last preceding gubernatorial election bore to the total Party enrollment in the County on the list of enrolled voters last published by the Board of Elections.
The Liberal Democrats held all their existing seats, remaining the second largest party by total seats and percentage vote, whilst the Labour Party lost four sparty by total seats and percentage vote, whilst the Labour Party lost four sParty lost four seats.
What you vote makes sense only among your party candidates (pretty much like choosing between Carson, Cruz, and Trump), however the overall percentage is published and gives a preview of the actual elections.
A Siena poll released earlier this month found Woolf trailing his GOP opponent, Elise Stefanik, by 13 percentage points, with Green Party candidate Matt Funiciello receiving 10 percent of the vote and 11 percent of those polled saying they remain undecided.
What is the percentage of times where he voted with Republicans on a bill / issue where there was a clear political divide between the two parties?
In an unprecedented fashion, a sitting president was not merely denied a straight second term but was defeated by a margin of nearly 10 percentage points which translates into over one million votes in real terms and his party lost almost fifty parliamentary seats to concede their legislative advantage to the incoming president's party.
Electoral data is based on three indices: the percentage of votes cast for the big two (the only parties ever to form government - let's ignore 2010 for now), turnout, and voter registration levels.
Miliband, for example, it was reported, bequeathed South Shields a voter contact rate (the percentage of people in the constituency for whom the party has a record of voting preference) as low as 0.2 % — or roughly 100 people.
If YouGov is right, and the Tory share of the vote on 6 May is five percentage points more than Labour's, or less, Labour will be the largest party.
In November 2010, the percentage of voters who cast a vote for an independent or minor party for U.S. House was 3.28 % of the total vote cast for U.S. House.
More generally, whereas the standard deviation of the share of the vote across divisions for each of the three main parties was 15 percentage points, it was just 8 for UKIP.
Overall, Ukip secured 12.6 % of the vote, an increase of 9.5 percentage points from the 2010 election, the largest of any major party and more than three times the size of the SNP's improvement.
The print edition of Libertarian Party News, March 2013 edition, has a complete list of all Libertarian candidates who ran for office in November 2012, including what office each ran for, the vote total, and the percentage.
On the side of Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo, he takes the second lead after John Dramani Mahama but has the parliamentary candidates being voted for on behalf of his party using the percentage of support of Ghanaians apportioned for Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo as elucidated below.
Former Gov. David Paterson, the state Democratic Committee chairman, downplayed the percentage of the vote received by Gov. Andrew Cuomo's rival in Tuesday's party primary, blaming it on low turnout that drew critics of the incumbent.
The vertical axis measures the percentage of the overall vote share of the party by position on the left - right scale.
The third - party candidates are still hanging on to small percentages of the vote, though there is a mountain to climb to get to Cuomo's level.
«A higher percentage of Democrats and a higher percentage of Republicans and even a higher percentage of minor party registrants vote in general elections than unaffiliated voters.
By gaining 25 % of the popular vote, the Alliance won the largest such percentage for any third party since the 1923 general election.
Activists are particularly concerned that the party only increased its share of the vote by four percentage points compared with 2005, especially in light of Gordon Brown's unpopularity in the runup to the general election.
In every other by - election in the current parliament in English Labour seats, the party's vote share has risen by around ten percentage points.
In Mark Ferguson's excellent expose of «community campaigning» in South Shields under David Miliband's watch, he reveals that the voter contact rate (the percentage of people in the constituency for whom the party has a record of voting preference) in the constituency was as low as 0.2 %.
FPTP factor quantifies — in a rough - and ready way — the relative advantage or disadvantage each of parties enjoys under FPTP by measuring the difference between percentage of votes won and percentage of seats won in May 2015.
In the table, Notional seats under Proportional Representation shows the number of seats each party would hold in the current parliament if the allotment of seats were directly proportionate to the percentage of votes won.
Zephyr Teachout beat Will Yandik by eight percentage points (54 - 46) for the county party's endorsement for Congress in light voting at a convention of Ulster County Democratic committee members at Kingston City Hall Thursday night.
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