In this case the tactic maintained some proportionality by bypassing the 5 % threshold, but is largely disfavoured by the public due to it awarding smaller parties extra list seats while parties with a higher
party vote percentage that don't win an electorate receive no seats; this occurred in 2008 when ACT was awarded 5 seats on the back of one electorate seat and 3.7 % of the party vote, while New Zealand First with no electorate seats and 4.1 % of the party vote were awarded none.
Not exact matches
In the six by - elections where there had previously been a PC MLA, the governing
party saw its
percentage of the
vote decline.
So it is not hard to draw districts that give you a prescribed
percentage of
votes: for example, getting 51 %, 51 % and 0 % would be a very good outcome for a
party holding 34 % of the total
votes in a three - districts area.
The
party even performed poorer in the 2012 Presidential elections in terms of the
percentage of
votes obtained by the flagbearer.
That
parties in the US get less seats than
percentage of voters may also just be because the
voting system is a majority
voting system not a proportional one, similar to the UK but additionally with partisan district partitioning which allows gerrymandering.
For example, suppose that voters are evenly split between two political
parties, but the nine equal population single member districts are drawn so that the favored
party wins by just 5
percentage points in eight districts, while the disfavored
party wins by 40
percentage points in another district, you've converted a 50 - 50 division of the population
vote into 8 seats for the favored
party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error in its favor in the eight districts it wins and a 0.1 seat rounding error against it in the one district it loses), and 1 seat for the disfavored
party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it wins).
According to our analysis of the 2002 election, a typical member of the labour force was only 4.7
percentage points more likely to
vote for a center - right
party if he was an insider than if he was an outsider (and this difference was not statistically signifi - cant).
The second piece of the model was the
percentage of the parliamentary
votes represented by either extreme
parties, or by extreme members of the moderate
parties, E.
The
party also received 140 of the 225 positions that were elected via a nationwide contest, in which seats are assigned in proportion to each
party's
percentage of the
vote.
Parties, that have achieved 5 %
votes on
party lists are allocated extra seats so that at the end of the day
percentage of their seats roughly corresponds
percentage of
votes they had received.
I suspect that things may look a little different if you look at just the
percentage fall for the main government
party (and, actually, I'm about to check that) and the massive swing will have been exaggerated by the Tories not bothering in a part of the world where they've been
voting tactically for over a century, but it's not entirely meaningless.
Despite a
vote of no confidence, Corbyn has insisted he won't resign, citing the large mandate he won in the 2015 leadership election, when he finished 40
percentage points ahead of his nearest challenger in a
vote of
party members.
Even their «victory» in Bristol masked a decline in the
percentage of Bristolians
voting for Nick Clegg's
party.
On average the
vote shares for each
party from the 1999 - 2009 are 8.75
percentage points different from their
vote shares at the next general election, almost double that of local elections.
Most states allow
parties that received a certain
percentage of
votes in the previous election to nominate a candidate in the next election.
For example, when pollsters fail to prompt by
party names when asking
voting intention, the Lib Dem
vote share falls by several
percentage points.
While the overall
percentages did not change, the composition of
votes for individual
parties changed dramatically.
[11] The
party received its highest
percentage of
votes in Edinburgh Central with 0.3 %, or 119
votes.
This is illustrated in Figures 2 to 4 which show, respectively, the
percentage of the
vote gained by the Conservative, Liberal and Labour
parties in general elections since 1959.
Percentage of total constituency and London - wide
votes by
party from 2000 to 2012.
Percentage of first preference
votes by
party from 2000 to 2012.
Its most well - known member was John Alderdice, who became leader of the
party ahead of the 1987 general election, contested the Belfast East parliamentary seat and received 32 % of the
vote, the highest
percentage ever achieved by Alliance in an individual seat in a Westminster election.
High PVVs are only likely to happen when a
party has one or a very small number of MPs but an appreciable
percentage of the
vote.
The Liberal Democrats remained the second largest
party by total seats and percentage vote, while the Labour Party had the largest net gain of five s
party by total seats and
percentage vote, while the Labour
Party had the largest net gain of five s
Party had the largest net gain of five seats.
The case relies in part on the idea of an «efficiency gap» — that the number of districts a
party holds varies widely from the
percentage of the total
vote the
party received, an argument he rejects.
If the boundaries of such Election District have been created or changed since the last preceding General Election at which members of Assembly were elected then the above formula shall apply based on that
percentage of the number of persons enrolled in the
Party in such Election District on the list of enrolled voters last published by the Board of Elections which the total
vote cast in the County for governor under the
Party emblem at the last preceding gubernatorial election bore to the total
Party enrollment in the County on the list of enrolled voters last published by the Board of Elections.
The Liberal Democrats held all their existing seats, remaining the second largest
party by total seats and percentage vote, whilst the Labour Party lost four s
party by total seats and
percentage vote, whilst the Labour
Party lost four s
Party lost four seats.
What you
vote makes sense only among your
party candidates (pretty much like choosing between Carson, Cruz, and Trump), however the overall
percentage is published and gives a preview of the actual elections.
A Siena poll released earlier this month found Woolf trailing his GOP opponent, Elise Stefanik, by 13
percentage points, with Green
Party candidate Matt Funiciello receiving 10 percent of the
vote and 11 percent of those polled saying they remain undecided.
What is the
percentage of times where he
voted with Republicans on a bill / issue where there was a clear political divide between the two
parties?
In an unprecedented fashion, a sitting president was not merely denied a straight second term but was defeated by a margin of nearly 10
percentage points which translates into over one million
votes in real terms and his
party lost almost fifty parliamentary seats to concede their legislative advantage to the incoming president's
party.
Electoral data is based on three indices: the
percentage of
votes cast for the big two (the only
parties ever to form government - let's ignore 2010 for now), turnout, and voter registration levels.
Miliband, for example, it was reported, bequeathed South Shields a voter contact rate (the
percentage of people in the constituency for whom the
party has a record of
voting preference) as low as 0.2 % — or roughly 100 people.
If YouGov is right, and the Tory share of the
vote on 6 May is five
percentage points more than Labour's, or less, Labour will be the largest
party.
In November 2010, the
percentage of voters who cast a
vote for an independent or minor
party for U.S. House was 3.28 % of the total
vote cast for U.S. House.
More generally, whereas the standard deviation of the share of the
vote across divisions for each of the three main
parties was 15
percentage points, it was just 8 for UKIP.
Overall, Ukip secured 12.6 % of the
vote, an increase of 9.5
percentage points from the 2010 election, the largest of any major
party and more than three times the size of the SNP's improvement.
The print edition of Libertarian
Party News, March 2013 edition, has a complete list of all Libertarian candidates who ran for office in November 2012, including what office each ran for, the
vote total, and the
percentage.
On the side of Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo, he takes the second lead after John Dramani Mahama but has the parliamentary candidates being
voted for on behalf of his
party using the
percentage of support of Ghanaians apportioned for Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo as elucidated below.
Former Gov. David Paterson, the state Democratic Committee chairman, downplayed the
percentage of the
vote received by Gov. Andrew Cuomo's rival in Tuesday's
party primary, blaming it on low turnout that drew critics of the incumbent.
The vertical axis measures the
percentage of the overall
vote share of the
party by position on the left - right scale.
The third -
party candidates are still hanging on to small
percentages of the
vote, though there is a mountain to climb to get to Cuomo's level.
«A higher
percentage of Democrats and a higher
percentage of Republicans and even a higher
percentage of minor
party registrants
vote in general elections than unaffiliated voters.
By gaining 25 % of the popular
vote, the Alliance won the largest such
percentage for any third
party since the 1923 general election.
Activists are particularly concerned that the
party only increased its share of the
vote by four
percentage points compared with 2005, especially in light of Gordon Brown's unpopularity in the runup to the general election.
In every other by - election in the current parliament in English Labour seats, the
party's
vote share has risen by around ten
percentage points.
In Mark Ferguson's excellent expose of «community campaigning» in South Shields under David Miliband's watch, he reveals that the voter contact rate (the
percentage of people in the constituency for whom the
party has a record of
voting preference) in the constituency was as low as 0.2 %.
FPTP factor quantifies — in a rough - and ready way — the relative advantage or disadvantage each of
parties enjoys under FPTP by measuring the difference between
percentage of
votes won and
percentage of seats won in May 2015.
In the table, Notional seats under Proportional Representation shows the number of seats each
party would hold in the current parliament if the allotment of seats were directly proportionate to the
percentage of
votes won.
Zephyr Teachout beat Will Yandik by eight
percentage points (54 - 46) for the county
party's endorsement for Congress in light
voting at a convention of Ulster County Democratic committee members at Kingston City Hall Thursday night.