We assume therefore that UKIP gets a 28.5
per cent vote share, Labour 25.5, Conservatives 21.5, Liberal Democrats 9 and Greens 7.
The 32
per cent vote share given to the Liberal Democrats by Angus Reid is a full ten points up on their last survey, while the Conservatives are down 6 and Labour down 4.
In Wales, Labour came first, with 29 of the 60 seats and a 33
per cent vote share in the constituency seats and regions.
Plaid Cymru, who are also on the left, came second with 12 seats and a 21
per cent vote share.
For most of this year, Labour have hovered a few points above the Conservatives, who seem to float around the 37
per cent vote share they received at the general election.
Labour advanced to a 35
per cent vote share (up 8 per cent on 2017 local election), the Tories also on 35 per cent (down 3 per cent) and the Lib Dems on 16 per cent (down 2 per cent).
Not exact matches
According to the latest polls Esquerra will get the biggest
share of the
vote in the region, 20.5
per cent, narrowly leading Junts
per Catalunya, the new name for the party led by Puigdemont, on 19.3
per cent.
Tap Oil shareholders have lodged a big protest
vote, with more than 35
per cent of
votes cast against three resolutions at today's annual meeting, with dissident shareholder Chatchai Yenbamroong accounting for a large
share of the opposition.
SHARE director of law and policy Laura O'Neill said the only other directors she knows of who failed to win majority support this year were on the board of Quebecor Inc., where holders of class B subordinate
shares voted just 43
per cent in favour of electing the entire board as a slate.
YouGov's research for the Sunday Times newspaper put the Liberal Democrat
vote share at just nine
per cent, with Labour on 41 % and the Conservatives on 34 %.
The party secured 12.6
per cent of the
vote, making it Britain's third largest party in terms of
vote share.
Before 3 May, officials were privately hoping for gains of around 550 seats and a popular
vote share in the region of 40
per cent.
Peter Kellner said that the final
vote share for Remain could be six
per cent higher or lower than 58.5
per cent.
It is known that people tend to overestimate the
share of immigrants (for instance Ipsos 2014 report shows that British respondents think that 31
per cent of population consists of foreign - born respondents, where the figure is closer to 13
per cent according to 2011 Census); here we also show that people's estimations of levels of immigration do not correspond to actual change in their local areas, it is the perception that seems to be linked with anti-immigration
vote.
Such a composition worries many Social Democrats given the last experience with a coalition in 2009 when the SPD
vote share shrank by 12.2
per cent.
In both sets the vast majority of seats involve Labour defending
vote shares of between 40 and 65
per cent with an average of 50
per cent.
The second nagging doubt relates to Labour's overall
vote share — 38
per cent, compared to 31
per cent for the Tories, was respectable, but nothing more.
UKIP's national support was spread out too thinly for it to turn its
vote share into seats; this was in stark contrast to the SNP, which needed only 4.7
per cent of the nation - wide
vote to obtain 56 seats.
To gain a
share of these 225 seats, parties must win at least 5
per cent of the
vote.
It explains the focus on the SNP, a party that can't expect to take more than four
per cent of the national
vote share but could end up seizing 50 - odd seats — and advancing its long - term agenda of breaking up Britain.
Despite the fact that, for an incumbent government, the increase of 0.8 points in the
vote share is already a remarkable result, the total
share of 36.9
per cent is the lowest that has ever led to form a single - party government in Great Britain.
Given also the energetic campaigns of Green Party stalwart Howie Hawkins and the Libertarian candidate, African American businessman Larry Sharpe, Cuomo's
share of the statewide
vote will likely dip below 50
per cent.
The remaining 40 to 45
per cent of representatives for each body (the «additional members») are elected in large regional areas using a proportional representation system, so as to match every party's
share of winning candidates to their
votes share.
However, before we consign the party to history, it's worth recounting that it did achieve a national
vote share in 2010 of around a fifth higher than the Clegg era poll average of 18
per cent.
Second, the Conservatives had become complacent about the 40
per cent - plus
vote share they hadenjoyed for most of 2009.
The headline impact of that first debate was nothing short of spectacular: within a single week, the Liberal Democrat
vote share rocketed up from 19
per cent to 29
per cent.
To be sure, at less than 14
per cent, the average Lib Dem
vote share throughout the most recent Parliament is well down on the average for the Parliament before.
Given that the city region is a traditional Labour stronghold, Street's victory with a 50.6
per cent share of the
vote (after the second round) was testament to the strength of his campaign, and to the strong emphasis the Conservative national leadership placed on supporting his bid.
Labour's
share of the European election
vote was 25
per cent and its national equivalent
vote (NEV)
share of the local election
vote (Rallings & Thrasher) was 31
per cent.
The
vote shares (National Equivalent Vote) in the English local elections put Labour at the top, on 33 per cent (3 points up on 20
vote shares (National Equivalent
Vote) in the English local elections put Labour at the top, on 33 per cent (3 points up on 20
Vote) in the English local elections put Labour at the top, on 33
per cent (3 points up on 2015).
But it did so with a
share of the UK
vote, at 43.2
per cent, which does not remotely qualify as record - breaking.
«However, we substantially cut Labour's majority and achieved a 13
per cent increase in our
share of the
vote and a 5
per cent swing against an entirely negative campaign on local issues from the Labour Party.»
Mr Reckless won with a total of 16,867
votes, a 42
per cent share of the
votes cast in Thursday's by - election, which was triggered by his resignation as a Tory MP earlier this year.
That means that the parties whose seat
shares exceed their
vote shares (the Conservatives, Labour, the SNP, the DUP, and — fractionally — Sinn Féin and the SDLP) collectively hold 24
per cent of the seats in the House of Commons more than they would if they were represented in exact proportion to their
votes — that is, about 156 seats more.
They may have finished 3,558
votes behind Labour (having been just 103 behind at the general election) but their
share of the
vote rose to 31.9
per cent.
Conservative Kelly Tolhurst came second with 13,947
votes, a 34
per cent share, while Labour candidate Naushabah Khan gained just 6,713
votes (16
per cent).
This is not irrevocable, as the experience of France shows, but the
vote shares for green parties appear to reach an equilibrium of around five to nine
per cent.
On Twitter, he went on to suggest that Labour's
vote share would drop to 15
per cent if Corbyn did manage to win the contest.
20/1 Tessa Jowell Today's news will come as a great relief to Team Tessa, who had been worried about Hodge, a fellow Blairite of sorts, eating into their
vote share (currently a healthy 20
per cent).
At the last election she actually increased Labour's
share of the
vote by six
per cent.
Parties without a Commons seats have averaged a joint
share of 24 % of the European
vote since 1999, but only four
per cent of the general election
vote.
They already know that Labour achieved a disastrously small
share of the
vote in the local elections, projected at around 23
per cent.
An error - free campaign (if such a thing can exist) might have pushed Labour's
share of the
vote up from 35 to 36
per cent.
A Guardian ICM poll released this week gave the Conservatives a 12 - point national lead, with a 42
per cent share of the
vote compared to Labour's 30
per cent.
For a start, the national
vote shares of both the Conservatives and Labour in last week's election was roughly equal, at around 37
per cent.
To get our predicted
vote share (shown in the bottom line) we added a correcting effect of -1
per cent each to the
vote share of the top three parties (UKIP, Labour and the Conservatives)-- this controls for the impact of the very large and long European Parliament ballot papers.
However, his
share of the
vote was less than what Labour gained across the city region in the general election (56
per cent).
Yesterday 90
per cent of the DUP's ruling executive members
voted in favour of a resolution requesting to push back the existing power -
sharing agreement deadline at the Northern Ireland Assembly by six weeks.
As the party who recently has benefited the most from FPTP (since 1979, Labour have on average won 12
per cent more seats than proportional
vote share would have given them, versus an FPTP bonus of only 6
per cent for the Tories), surely Labour want to ensure they can still win power?
MUF received victory in only 4 of the contested 43 electoral constituencies despite its high
vote share of 31
per cent (this means that its official
vote in the Valley was larger than one - third).