The next step is getting those folks who are now making this link to start supporting
policies like carbon pricing; that's another battle altogether.
Until I have seen the people in positions of influence have seriously considered the alternative — such as I suggested earlier on this thread: https://judithcurry.com/2013/11/21/social-cost-of-carbon/#comment-416438 — I am likely to remain opposed to high cost
policies like carbon pricing and policies that subsidise and effectively mandate renewable energy.
We would have a robust solution and no need for
policies like carbon pricing and binding legal international agreements.
Policies like a carbon tax and actions like divestment are not mutually exclusive; they're actually mutually reinforcing.
If your CAGW is a scientific claim, it makes no sense to integrate policies (let alone specific
policies like carbon taxes) into it.
It makes makes the point once again, the engineering input and the engineers quality of analysis and documentation is essential before we invest in very high cost and potentially economically damaging
policies like carbon pricing, etc..
Opinion: Some say Canada's emission levels don't require onerous
policies like carbon pricing.
Not exact matches
However, the Pan Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change lays out a number of
policies that will compel more clean tech innovation in Canada, he said, including a price on pollution with a
carbon price, to be in place across Canada by the start of next year, as well as a promised national clean fuels strategy, better energy efficiency standards and limits on greenhouse gases
like methane.
Importantly, none of these groups could point to federal government dysfunction on climate
policy to defend their own inaction, he said, because the wild rhetoric of government dissidents
like Craig Kelly does not reflect mainstream government
policy for the nation to meet its Paris commitments for a 26 - 28 per cent reduction in
carbon emissions by 2030.
Conversely, climate
policy that results in little or no effort to control greenhouse gases
like carbon dioxide would likely result in a substantial release of
carbon from the permafrost region by 2300, the study found.
What is your position on cap - and - trade,
carbon taxes, and other
policies proposed to address global climate change — and what steps can we take to improve our ability to tackle challenges
like climate change that cross national boundaries?
«As the Federal Government begins negotiations with the new Senate to repeal the
carbon price, any technologies,
policies or plans that aim to tackle climate change should take water usage into account, especially in arid countries
like Australia,» Dr Wallis said.
Lower rates of asthma and other health problems are frequently cited as benefits of
policies aimed at cutting
carbon emissions from sources
like power plants and vehicles, because these
policies also lead to reductions in other harmful types of air pollution.
Wigley also assumed no energy
policy changes from current standards,
like renewable energy incentives or
carbon taxes.
Unilever was also a player in palm oil trader Wilmar's recent agreement to adopt a no - deforestation
policy, which prohibits its suppliers from establishing plantations on lands with large amounts of
carbon —
like peat soils — or lands with a high conservation value (ClimateWire, Dec. 8, 2013).
Yet, how much to invest in
policies —
like setting an appropriate
carbon tax — to protect future generations from environmental destruction depends on how society chooses to value human population, according to a new study published Oct. 30 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS).
What the authors would
like to see is the prospect of limited and expensive coal get a serious consideration; currently, most energy
policy decisions, such as a focus on
carbon capture and storage for coal plants, assume that coal will remain cheap enough to compensate for its added costs.
Resolution in Opposition to a
Carbon Tax: Despite support for a
carbon tax from ALEC members
like ExxonMobil, ALEC is creating a model bill to weigh in on what will become the keystone
policy battle for climate change science deniers, a battle that is already creating a rift among conservative groups,
like the Koch - funded Heritage Foundation and the Heartland Institute against the R Street Institute.
A scheme
like this would be the international framework under which national «cap - and - trade»
policies and international
carbon - trading can be implemented in a manner that is accountable, equitable, and actually solves the problem globally.
The goal of the paper I have just written is to «restart» the discussion of climate change, which, as I see it, is on the verge of disappearing from view, putting into cold storage both 1) the
policy initiatives
like carbon prices and regulations that could have short - term impact on wedge technologies
like conventional renewables, efficiency, and CCS, and 2) commitments to the advancement of a climate - change - driven research frontier.
``... the company [Exxon Mobil], the world's largest oil and gas concern, has increased donations to Washington - based
policy groups that,
like Exxon itself, question the human role in global warming and argue that proposed government
policies to limit
carbon dioxide emissions associated with global warming are too heavy handed.
It is findings
like these that cause me to take a different stance on climate progress than Joe Romm, who demands that anyone seriously engaged in assessing climate
policy pick a number — either for a safe target for stabilization of
carbon dioxide concentrations or temperature rise.
[Insert, Nov. 11, 12:03 p.m. Brad Plumer at Vox explores a climate
policy that conservatives, at least in theory, should
like — a revenue - neutral
carbon tax.]
Climate and energy
policies are well connected — reducing oil depletion and dependency should be achieved through deploying renewable sources and in effect will bring reducing of
carbon dioxide — thus what climate
policies were (yet) not able to bring, peak oil and high oil prices (however with more negative impacts,
like social unrest and geo - political instability) certainly will.
Like many of his colleagues, climate scientist Kevin Anderson has argued that since there's only a finite amount of carbon that can be emitted before the world is committed to «dangerous» climate change, and we've waited so long for serious climate policies, a «war - like» mobilization is now requi
Like many of his colleagues, climate scientist Kevin Anderson has argued that since there's only a finite amount of
carbon that can be emitted before the world is committed to «dangerous» climate change, and we've waited so long for serious climate
policies, a «war -
like» mobilization is now requi
like» mobilization is now required.
Like all the IPCC scenarios, B1 does not assume that any measures are taken for climate
policy reasons (e.g., Kyoto, or
carbon sequestration).
A «pre-pay»
carbon policy might work something
like this: before a company extracts a ton of
carbon from the ground (be it in the form of oil, natural gas, coal, trees, soil, etc.), it would have to «pre-pay» for a credit demonstrating that the organization (or a third - party) had already removed and sequestered an equivalent ton of
carbon from the atmosphere.
I'd argue we should not be implementing costly and economically damaging
carbon pricing
policies (
like Australia's CO2 tax and ETS) on the basis of such papers.
Tubman co-authored a recent C2ES report called «Leveraging Natural Gas to Reduce Greenhouse Gas Emissions,» which recognized natural gas as a short - term climate solution but called for more aggressive
policies and investments to promote zero -
carbon sources
like renewables over the long haul.
How much should we be prepared to spend on CAGW given that the
policies proposed to date (
like renewable energy and
carbon pricing) have virtually not chance of having any effect on the climate?
He criticized
policies like granting
carbon credits to polluters as a «ploy» that would «provide a quick and easy solution under the guise of a certain commitment to the environment,» but would not «allow for the radical change which present circumstances require.»
There are a number of transport emissions reduction
policy measures that Congress could pursue, but the one that will have the most immediate impact is the one that will demand more from those modes of transportation that are currently the most fuel and
carbon efficient —
like passenger rail.
Dramatic changes would naturally have to occur as a result — from quick wins
like carbon taxes and energy efficiency regulations, to longer - term
policies like phasing out combustion - engine cars and
carbon - neutral building regulations.
Polling by the National Surveys on Energy and Environment, a joint project by the University of Michigan's Ford School of Public
Policy and the Institute of Public Opinion at Muhlenberg College, shows that Americans in general (and Republicans in particular) still don't
like the idea of a tax on
carbon emissions in general.
Call this the «no one
likes a sellout» theory — it's the idea that a simpler, stronger
policy (say, a flat
carbon tax), combined with fervent grassroots pressure, might have stood a better chance.
They have stuck to their guns on issues
like carbon pricing, and advanced serious and credible
policies on tax and public expenditure, something that hasn't been attempted since John Hewson's Fightback!
And worse still they continually argue for irrational
policies —
like government imposed
carbon pricing schemes and very high cost renewable energy while blocking nuclear power development.
Provinces, states, cities, business, investors, and culture - shaping institutions look for political institutions
like the G20 to affirm the global direction of travel, which is mainstreaming climate action and the low -
carbon transition,» said Maeve McLynn, finance and subsidies
policy coordinator at Climate Action Network Europe.
The
policy would charge major polluters
like PepcoExelon and Washington Gas for their
carbon emissions.
And national environmental
policy leaders
like Daniel Esty think all that's needed to move the country towards a green economy is a
carbon tax.
For instance, a market - based
policy like a price on
carbon might encourage consumers to buy more fuel - efficient cars, but it will fall well short of revolutionizing global energy infrastructure and technologies.
More importantly, a «fee» legal structure limits the uses of revenue from the
policy to addressing
carbon / pollution issues, not broader issues
like rural economic development (as in 6203) or tax reform (as in I - 732).
Under the «new
policies» scenario, the IEA says gas has a «very bright» outlook for the gas industry, particularly countries
like Australia, the US and China, which have a lot of it to exploit, although the game plan relies on
carbon capture being a serious and cost effective option by the mid 2020s.
And of course my favorite non-BRICS, as it has a very USA -
like economy in miniature (except a stable, growing economy and well - managed low - corporate - tax haven that uses direct democracy to decide tax issues) with a
carbon cycle pricing scheme that could become a model for a made - in - America
policy that puts revenues from
carbon - emission - pricing in the pockets of the owners of the
carbon cycle — the citizens, directly, British Columbia.
However, a debate remains around how best to accomplish that goal and whether
carbon pricing
policy must also be tasked with addressing broader social and environmental challenges (
like other pollution problems, worker displacement, economic inequality, etc.).
Instead, world leaders have pandered and caved to the powerful fossil fuel lobby: rubber stamping massive
carbon - intensive infrastructure, unlocking billions of tonnes of new
carbon in hard - to - reach places
like the deep offshore ocean, the arctic, or hard - to - extract resources
like tar sands, and proceeded to design energy
policy around scenarios incompatible with a safe global climate.
And while indicators
like ocean heat content may respond more quickly or dramatically to the
carbon emissions that cause climate change, surface temperature is more closely related to the effects of climate change — and the effects, after all, are what climate
policies at any level are intended to ease.
So those advocating we waste money on
carbon tax and ETS, renewable energy, and world government initiatives
like Agenda 21, should stop advocating for those high costs, economy damaging, wasteful
policies and start advising people they got it wrong.
I then decided to go for the anger triple - play by faulting industry in general for painting the picture that the oil sands could not compete under a
carbon policy, while at the same time pointing to notable exceptions
like Suncor's Rick George.
This strategy could help
policy makers overcome a fundamental conflict in the debate over global warming:
carbon dioxide, the main heat - trapping gas in the air, is an unavoidable byproduct of burning fossil fuels
like coal and oil — and combustion of fossil fuels is the foundation of industrial societies.