Identifying oneself as a member of a political party implies he / she will follow
the policies of their political party in their rulings, and that their opponents will follow
the policies of their political party.
Not exact matches
Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those reflected in such forward - looking statements and that should be considered in evaluating our outlook include, but are not limited to, the following: 1) our ability to continue to grow our business and execute our growth strategy, including the timing, execution, and profitability
of new and maturing programs; 2) our ability to perform our obligations under our new and maturing commercial, business aircraft, and military development programs, and the related recurring production; 3) our ability to accurately estimate and manage performance, cost, and revenue under our contracts, including our ability to achieve certain cost reductions with respect to the B787 program; 4) margin pressures and the potential for additional forward losses on new and maturing programs; 5) our ability to accommodate, and the cost
of accommodating, announced increases in the build rates
of certain aircraft; 6) the effect on aircraft demand and build rates
of changing customer preferences for business aircraft, including the effect
of global economic conditions on the business aircraft market and expanding conflicts or
political unrest in the Middle East or Asia; 7) customer cancellations or deferrals as a result
of global economic uncertainty or otherwise; 8) the effect
of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which we operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; 9) the success and timely execution
of key milestones such as the receipt
of necessary regulatory approvals, including our ability to obtain in a timely fashion any required regulatory or other third
party approvals for the consummation
of our announced acquisition
of Asco, and customer adherence to their announced schedules; 10) our ability to successfully negotiate, or re-negotiate, future pricing under our supply agreements with Boeing and our other customers; 11) our ability to enter into profitable supply arrangements with additional customers; 12) the ability
of all
parties to satisfy their performance requirements under existing supply contracts with our two major customers, Boeing and Airbus, and other customers, and the risk
of nonpayment by such customers; 13) any adverse impact on Boeing's and Airbus» production
of aircraft resulting from cancellations, deferrals, or reduced orders by their customers or from labor disputes, domestic or international hostilities, or acts
of terrorism; 14) any adverse impact on the demand for air travel or our operations from the outbreak
of diseases or epidemic or pandemic outbreaks; 15) our ability to avoid or recover from cyber-based or other security attacks, information technology failures, or other disruptions; 16) returns on pension plan assets and the impact
of future discount rate changes on pension obligations; 17) our ability to borrow additional funds or refinance debt, including our ability to obtain the debt to finance the purchase price for our announced acquisition
of Asco on favorable terms or at all; 18) competition from commercial aerospace original equipment manufacturers and other aerostructures suppliers; 19) the effect
of governmental laws, such as U.S. export control laws and U.S. and foreign anti-bribery laws such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the United Kingdom Bribery Act, and environmental laws and agency regulations, both in the U.S. and abroad; 20) the effect
of changes in tax law, such as the effect
of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations
of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect
of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability
of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass
of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many
of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment
of interest on, and principal
of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness
of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness
of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact
of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition
of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result
of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks
of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions
of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government
policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other things.
Pollsters and
political strategists in both
parties are predicting that Republicans will lose their majority in the US House this fall, jeopardizing President Donald Trump's
policy agenda and putting him at a higher risk
of impeachment.
Such risks, uncertainties and other factors include, without limitation: (1) the effect
of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including financial market conditions, fluctuations in commodity prices, interest rates and foreign currency exchange rates, levels
of end market demand in construction and in both the commercial and defense segments
of the aerospace industry, levels
of air travel, financial condition
of commercial airlines, the impact
of weather conditions and natural disasters and the financial condition
of our customers and suppliers; (2) challenges in the development, production, delivery, support, performance and realization
of the anticipated benefits
of advanced technologies and new products and services; (3) the scope, nature, impact or timing
of acquisition and divestiture or restructuring activity, including the pending acquisition
of Rockwell Collins, including among other things integration
of acquired businesses into United Technologies» existing businesses and realization
of synergies and opportunities for growth and innovation; (4) future timing and levels
of indebtedness, including indebtedness expected to be incurred by United Technologies in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition, and capital spending and research and development spending, including in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition; (5) future availability
of credit and factors that may affect such availability, including credit market conditions and our capital structure; (6) the timing and scope
of future repurchases
of United Technologies» common stock, which may be suspended at any time due to various factors, including market conditions and the level
of other investing activities and uses
of cash, including in connection with the proposed acquisition
of Rockwell; (7) delays and disruption in delivery
of materials and services from suppliers; (8) company and customer - directed cost reduction efforts and restructuring costs and savings and other consequences thereof; (9) new business and investment opportunities; (10) our ability to realize the intended benefits
of organizational changes; (11) the anticipated benefits
of diversification and balance
of operations across product lines, regions and industries; (12) the outcome
of legal proceedings, investigations and other contingencies; (13) pension plan assumptions and future contributions; (14) the impact
of the negotiation
of collective bargaining agreements and labor disputes; (15) the effect
of changes in
political conditions in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate, including the effect
of changes in U.S. trade
policies or the U.K.'s pending withdrawal from the EU, on general market conditions, global trade
policies and currency exchange rates in the near term and beyond; (16) the effect
of changes in tax (including U.S. tax reform enacted on December 22, 2017, which is commonly referred to as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act
of 2017), environmental, regulatory (including among other things import / export) and other laws and regulations in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate; (17) the ability
of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins to receive the required regulatory approvals (and the risk that such approvals may result in the imposition
of conditions that could adversely affect the combined company or the expected benefits
of the merger) and to satisfy the other conditions to the closing
of the pending acquisition on a timely basis or at all; (18) the occurrence
of events that may give rise to a right
of one or both
of United Technologies or Rockwell Collins to terminate the merger agreement, including in circumstances that might require Rockwell Collins to pay a termination fee
of $ 695 million to United Technologies or $ 50 million
of expense reimbursement; (19) negative effects
of the announcement or the completion
of the merger on the market price
of United Technologies» and / or Rockwell Collins» common stock and / or on their respective financial performance; (20) risks related to Rockwell Collins and United Technologies being restricted in their operation
of their businesses while the merger agreement is in effect; (21) risks relating to the value
of the United Technologies» shares to be issued in connection with the pending Rockwell acquisition, significant merger costs and / or unknown liabilities; (22) risks associated with third
party contracts containing consent and / or other provisions that may be triggered by the Rockwell merger agreement; (23) risks associated with merger - related litigation or appraisal proceedings; and (24) the ability
of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins, or the combined company, to retain and hire key personnel.
«We have changed our view
of the difficulties in bridging the gulf between the
political parties over fiscal
policy, which makes us pessimistic about the capacity
of Congress and the Administration to be able to leverage their agreement this week into a broader fiscal consolidation plan that stabilizes the government's debt dynamics any time soon.»
In addition, sales
of our products are affected by pricing pressure,
political and public scrutiny and reimbursement
policies imposed by third -
party payers, including governments, private insurance plans and managed care providers and may be affected by regulatory, clinical and guideline developments and domestic and international trends toward managed care and healthcare cost containment.
This is just one among numerous
policy - making decisions that have members
of both
political parties, as well as independents, scratching their heads.
He talks to Greg about austerity in Ireland, how US economic
policy has affected Ireland, Europe and the rest
of the world as well as how the various
political parties in Ireland have mishandled the economic crisis.
Instead
of performing the role
of helping to shape
policy, as they have in the past, regardless
of the
political party in power, diplomats are increasingly becoming mere agents
of policy implementation.
For Canadians, it is important that our
political parties start discussing and debating the
policy actions a «new» government should take to respond to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) observation, that the global economy, and therefore the Canadian economy, could be entering a long period
of economic stagnation, characterized by slow growth, high unemployment and increasing income inequality.
The Finance Committee's consultation report is primarily a
political document, reflecting the priorities
of their respective
parties, loosely using the hearings to support their respective
policy paradigm.
Political parties are showing essentially no interest in the merits
of a
policy proposal
Political parties are showing essentially no interest in the merits
of a
policy proposal beyond its potential as an element
of some shrewd communications strategy.
It should be clear to all
political parties that, after 2015, there will be little in the way
of «surpluses» for the federal government to deal with critical
policy challenges.
During elections, all
political parties try to «produce» numbers that show their proposed
policies are better than the proposed
policies of their opponents.
And with the Senate and the House
of Representatives divided between the two major
political parties, the chances are slim that new, significant fiscal
policies will be forthcoming.
The bleaker fiscal outlook, released Wednesday, surfaces as
political parties are pitching economic
policies to voters ahead
of the October election.
As the 2008 campaign continues to unfold, the
political parties and their leaders will continue to place an emphasis on their economic
policies and credentials, while, at the same time, working to downplay and discredit the plans
of their opponents.
http://grist.org/politics/2011-04-28-policy-in-an-age-
of-post-truth-politics/ A bit
of a handicap for
political parties that strive to align their actions with their
policies!
Despite major
policy announcements from each
of the main
political parties this week, the campaign is being reported as a two -
party race and defined by personal attacks and silly distractions.
The major themes in Niebuhr's thinking found powerful resonance in the speech, in which an American president in a new century reasserted, as the doctrinal basis
of his foreign
policy, the cherished
political theology
of America's two major
parties for most
of the past century....
No matter who wins, it's another sure sign
of shifting
political lines, in which
political parties are shaped less by
policy than identity.
The dominance
of Christian right, Christian Zionist and Likud
policies in the Bush administration reflects
political realities, In 1987 polls indicated that the Christian right represented 26 percent
of the total membership
of the Republican
Party.
And many
of us feel we can't fully endorse either
political party or candidate, especially when they inevitably stand for
policies both in and out
of sync with our faith and ideals.
A much smaller but culturally significant portion
of advertisements promote
political parties, candidates for office, public
policy positions, favorable acceptance
of various industries, unions, or other entities, particularly if they are unpopular for some reason.
It would be a mistake to imagine that Pope Francis were somehow endorsing the
policies of his predecessor as perhaps the incoming leader
of a
political party might wish to be seen as the anointed successor to this or that great
political figure.
But «public relations» becomes absurd when we apply the same kind
of advertising and promotional techniques alike to the American economic system, to business in general, to labor, to a
political party or candidate, to the
policies of a government, to a public utility, to a book, to a church.
As the U.S. bishops, including the archbishop
of Denver, have said many times, both major
political parties have many good Catholics as members, both have important strengths, and neither fully represents a Catholic approach to public
policy.
They support the
political party (GOP) that ostensibly stands capitalism and stand for and promotes individual achievment whle eschewing collectivism, yet they really are collectivists — just for their own world view
of a conservative fiscal
policy coupled with «conservative social values.»
«They love it because it unifies people and it seems less
political than when they have to make tough
policy choices as head
of government or brazenly
political choices as head
of party.»
The Republican
party had become donor - dominated, fixated on economic
policies increasingly ill - suited to our
political moment, and punitive
of any dissent.
The
party's documents say its «
policies are based on the Christian view
of Man and his responsibility before God,» but it rarely articulates that basis in
political debate.
Douthat and Salam's youth» they're among the brightest lights in the next generation
of conservative writers» gives them a new perspective on the contemporary
political scene, allowing them to step out beyond traditional conservative fixations on tax cutting and limited government» where the supposed Reagan solution is always the correct solution» and to offer incisive criticisms
of how the Grand Old
Party's ideology frequently serves as a blinder to effective
policies for the working class.
Our manifesto calls on all
political parties to commit to placing the UN at the centre
of an outward looking British foreign
policy.»
FI joins call for new deal for dads in election manifestos The Fatherhood Institute has joined a coalition
of charities and trade unions, to call on the UK's
political parties to include
policies aimed at promoting involved fatherhood in their election manifestos.
Baby Milk Action sent the following letter to all
political parties represented in the parliaments
of the UK to ask about their infant and young child feeding
policies in the run up to the General Election in 2015.
Dictating the pace and pattern
of political policy was Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Premier
of the Northern Region who held sway in Kaduna as leader
of the Northern Peoples Congress, NPC, the
party that with its allies formed the largest bloc in the federal parliament.
Subsequent
policy papers will examine
political party support and cross-cutting themes, such as the role
of gender in democracy promotion.
As a result
of this bill, no organisation that criticises a government
policy or that
of a
political party ¬ will be able to overdraw their limited ration
of dissent without fearing a visit from the police.
Political parties must explain and sell their
policies and anyone over the age
of 18 has an opportunity to cast their vote for whichever
party appeals most.
«I've always believed that
political parties, even though they may have serious disagreements over many aspects
of policy, should work together in those areas where they agree,» he wrote.
It seems to me that what needs to be reassessed are the goals
of UK's immigration
policy and that yet another restructuring
of the UKBA can do little to solve the problems that
political parties are creating by failing to understand and approach international human mobility outside the limited frame
of securitisation and under the duress
of looming (tabloid - fed) moral panic.
That is what
political scientists call a «competency» or «valence» issue, meaning that
political parties have an incentive to prove their ability to contain such costs irrespective
of their different
policy positions on other issues.
Election coverage ordinarily incorporates a range
of different commentators, offering their views on almost anything from the
policy positions
of political parties to speculation about the potential outcome
of the election.
With respect to the first question, we argue that on top
of the programmatic content
of political texts,
political parties use emotional appeals to convince that their
policies are superior.
Pierre Haski thinks it is possible but also thinks there is a lack
of vision underpinned by real
policy substance: «If the Socialist
Party has a new framework with other [European] socialists especially Germany, there could be a change
of political landscape in Europe.
The economic and
political failures
of the 70s encouraged a perception, in both
parties, that the
policies of the post-war era had run their course.
Since scientists get the vote too, they, like everyone else, get to influence the decisions that
political parties make about
policies of the future and the present.
The
Party justifies its
policies on the basis that they are the scientifically correct means to achieve both the main objective
of self - strengthening, and the subordinate goals identified by the
Party: economic growth, technological development, social and
political stability and environmental protection (to some extent).
Expenditure is «controlled» if it is spending on election activities which «can reasonably be regarded as intended to influence voters to vote for or against
political parties or categories
of candidates including those
parties and categories
of candidates who support or do not support particular
policies or issues».