Sentences with phrase «political labour movement»

Since the political Labour movement was born (in 1893), Labour candidates have stood in 31 General Elections.

Not exact matches

The Popular Unity Candidacy joins a line of far - left movements seizing the political momentum in Europe, from Greece's ruling Syriza party and Spain's own far - left Podemos movement to the shock emergence last week of hardcore socialist Jeremy Corbyn as leader of Britain's Labour Party.

Faced with declining membership, plant closures, weak economics and political hostility, the Canadian labour movement is resorting to drastic measures.

Macron, who left political rivals reeling when he won power barely a year after launching a new centrist movement, has already rattled his way through an overhaul of French labour rules, in spite of street protests and a pushback from unions.

By the early 1990s, the New Democratic Party — the political ally of the labour movement — was in power in three Canadian provinces, including Ontario, and held 43 seats in Parliament.

In addition to the normal representation of regional and linguistic interests, the commission included members from business, labour, the co-operative movement, the legal and academic communities, the public service and all 3 national political parties.

Indeed, many of them have their origins in the political and economic struggles of the nineteenth - and twentieth - century European labour movement.

That thought is why we find these ideas expressed by leading figures of political movements — like workingmen's parties, land reform movements, and labour organizations.

The Open Left project has been refreshing and good, and I felt that both James and Jon Cruddas made an important contribution in showing how it is possible to discuss ideas and political differences openly, in the knowledge that Labour and its allies must form a broad and plural movement.

Unions are essentially defensive operations and the seismic disputes in the coming years for the heart and soul of Labour may prove to be not between a Jeremy Corbyn cult and its enemies, or wider Left versus Right clashes but the collective industrial movement up against individual political activists.

The Thatcher administrations indeed aimed to undermine the institutions on which the political strength of the Labour movement rested (i.e. big - city local authorities, council estates, monopoly nationalised industries, trade unions and local government authorities).

Recent political events such as the energy around the Scottish referendum and indeed the surprise people - movement that secured Jeremy Corbyn's victory in the Labour leadership election indicate that discontent with stale managerial politics is spreading.

The best possible political use of opposition to cutting lone parent benefits was made because it was left neither to enemies of the working class to cynically exploit — specifically the Liberal Democrats — nor simply to those most affected or more minority forces in the labour movement.

This has been reflected in our consistently providing platforms for Labour - LibDem dialogue, seeking to foster engagement between party politics and civic pressure, and in co-hosting the left and liberty session at the Convention for Modern Liberty, and in being significantly engaged in debates about the pluralist reform of party politics, the broader political settlement and the new «movement politics» of a pluralist left.

The strategy, dubbed «Let Corbyn be Corbyn» aims to portray the Labour leader as an anti-establishment figure and hopes to build on recent populist movements that have set themselves up in opposition to a political and media elite.

The student movement, which voted massively for Labour, will enter a period of enormous political upheavals once students grasp that Blair is going to abolish grants and try to impose tuition fees.

Scotland, with the lowest Tory vote in the UK, will become an immense thorn in Blair's side because the Scottish Assembly will create an independent base of political activity for the Scottish labour movement.

The political nexus around Blair and Mandelson are determined that this should not be allowed to happen again — even if labour movement opinion swings decisively against the parliamentary leadership.

The second problem is that Momentum has become a battleground between three groups within the movement: the traditional (and by now rather old) Labour left, sometimes referred to as Bennites; younger, politically - engaged campaigners; and members of the various small political groupings to the left of the Labour Party, such as The Socialist Workers Party, Alliance for Workers» Liberty and the remnants of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

Blair and Mandelson know that their political project — to eliminate trade union and rank and file influence from the Labour Party and move it towards coalition with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide with successive layers of the labour movLabour Party and move it towards coalition with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide with successive layers of the labour movlabour movement.

But it is telling that most political opponents of military action - which at the moment is basically Jeremy Corbyn's Labour leadership and the broader Stop the War movement - do not seem to be making these points.

However, former Conservative chancellor Ken Clarke said: «I actually think the vast majority of members of the Labour party would quite like to see the party to stop being dependent on these millions from the trade unions, what is left of the trade union movement, that keeps trying to use that as political leverage which they do not want.»

Labour has long been identified with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated with socialism and the labour movLabour has long been identified with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated with socialism and the labour movlabour movement.

I would have thought that — on a point of principle — the political arm of the trade union movement [aka the Labour Party] would shun people who've been privately educated.

Labour movements often deal with issues like this, for example, an industrial dispute that covers a workplace chapel, of a trade section, of a trade union, which is affiliated to at least one Trades Hall Council, both the union and TUC being (factionalised) affiliates to a political party, which holds government, which runs the chapel section of the workplace in the first place.

In the Labour movement itself I have trouble seeing any John The Bapist figures partly because, like the fascists, its true father, there is no political creed discernible only a mania for media control and a brutal instinct for power.

This is a naked attempt not just to reduce funding for the Labour party, but more importantly to reduce the political influence of the trade union movement within British politics.

We recognise the historic ties that bind the trade union movement with the Labour Party -LSB-...] The Conservative Party does not believe that it is illegitimate for the trade union movement to provide support for political parties.»

The Labour Party was founded by the trade unions, the Fabians and the Co-operative movement because the working class majority in society had no political voice representing their interests.

At the same time, we are seeing other innovative, progressive political campaigns developed by labour unions, community organizations, and social movements, some of them at the far left edge of the Democratic Party, some within the Green Party, and others which are simply independent.

I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader social background part of their political strategy, but certainly not the end of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed because they «reflect the values of the union movement» — rather than just being from a particular social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)

the issue is him hes not a leader he is great at protesting but shouldnt lead a political party at all, the labour party is not a movement its a party and 500, ooo members cant lord it over 9million labour voters..

Ed Miliband doesn't need to set out concrete policies — it would be good if the Labour movement is given a real opportunity now to help draw up that political alternative, but the party desperately needs a narrative and to be seen identifying with working and middle class voters who now find themselves at the sharp end.

The party political system is bust — and Ed Miliband is the only leader to understand that and to attempt to transform Labour from an obsolete party, like the Tories and Lib Dems, into a «community - based movement».

This outfit derives its resources from the liquidation of the Communist Party's assets built up over many decades by British workers (with a little help from their Soviet comrades) Therefore Progress can have no principled objection to another political tendency with impeccable socialist credentials and a much longer relationship with the organised labour movement to join them in the fraternal contest to shape the direction of Labour's policies and influence the selection of candilabour movement to join them in the fraternal contest to shape the direction of Labour's policies and influence the selection of candiLabour's policies and influence the selection of candidates.

Labour leadership contender Liz Kendall says the government's trade union reforms are «a blatant political attack from the Tories in an attempt to try and destroy our movement».

We are, after all, the party of Labour: we were founded to give the labour movement a political Labour: we were founded to give the labour movement a political labour movement a political voice.

When Labour stands proud bragging as the political wing of the union movement then it will serve a purpose.

It if works, he claims, Labour could be a genuine mass movement - something no other political party in the UK can claim to be in the current climate.

As self - adornment, the clothes we wear mark currents in personal and collective identification, patterns of movement and migration and socio - political affiliation; as commodities, they speak of shifting systems of labour, production and global distribution.

In the glorious Blair years we had a lot of senior Labour politicians who had cut their political teeth in various protest movements such as CND & CCL & it seems to me that they never really realised the importance of the gulf they stepped over in going from activism to democratic government.

We need to be developing an alliance with what remains of the unionized labour movement: at a minimum to support the development of training programs for fossil fuel sector workers, and more ambitiously to support the emergence of an electable political ideology that calls for the transition away from capitalism intent on endless growth in consumption.