Sentences with phrase «political liberation of»

The only reason for setting the movie in 1969 is as a reaction against the personal and political liberation of the time.

For example, the two concluding chapters of The Crucified God deal respectively with «Ways towards the psychological liberation of man» and «Ways towards the political liberation of man».43 Although Moltmann is very sensitive to the socio - historical context of psychiatry, it does not seem that he wants to subsume the psychological entirely under the heading of the political.

He was critical of capitalism and thought that Christian leaders should be concerned with the economic and political liberation of their followers.

Not exact matches

The People's Liberation Army Daily on Wednesday published its list of attendees for the upcoming 19th party congress in Beijing on October 18, with two notable exclusions: Fang Fenghui, who was recently replaced as the chief at the Joint Staff Department in China's military and is currently under investigation for corruption, and General Zhang Yang, the director of the political work department, who also sits on the military commission.

The first was General Tian Xiusi, a former political commissar of the People's Liberation Army Air Force and a member of the party's elite Central Committee.

Yet Benedict was suspicious of liberation theologians because some aligned themselves with political movements that sought to overthrow repressive governments in Latin America, other historians say.

On a scale of 1 to 10, Jones predicts that process theology will tally 6 points of compatibility with liberation theology's gospel and mission of economic, social, and political liberation for the wretched of the earth.

However, the more insecure the future of a liberal, secular society appears to be, the more confident I feel about the future of religion — not a future in relation to emancipation and economic and / or political liberation.

In this regard, part of John B. Cobb, Jr.'s treatment of liberation theology in his book, Process Theology as Political Theology, is a case in point.

Similarly, a black theology of liberation or a feminist theology of liberation may, like the university theology its proponents criticize, be little more than ideological expressions of autonomous political movements that owe no fundamental allegiance to the Christian vision.

Where sin, death, and the devil are no longer the bondage in question and where fear of God's judgment has been diluted or dissipated into political correctness, then justification becomes liberation from anything that anyone experiences as bondage.

There is little doubt that the concern for cultures and religions expresses the middle class social location of most process theologians, whereas the focus on political and economic issues and the concomitant demand for justice express the identification with the poor that is the glory of liberation theology.

A second reason for engaging political theology instead of liberation theology can also be briefly explained.

A critical challenge of liberation theology is its rooting in local praxis and base communities, and here the main British version has been a multifaceted urban theology which has built on a tradition of pastoral, political and community - building activity in cities.

This development has expressed itself in the theology of hope, the theology of liberation, and political theology.

In relation to these topics most of our work remained abstract.1 The theology of hope, the theology of liberation, and political theology jointly constitute a challenge to which process theology has not yet adequately responded.

No to Privatization «red in tooth and claw»; yes to Public Sector without political corruption; no to Liberalization, with market exploitation; yes to Liberation from exploitative coercion; no to globalization as domination of world market with deprivation of the developmental directive of «Small is Beautiful»; yes to Universalism in sharing and caring for the suffering humanity and Good Samaritan ethic - these should be evolved and situated in Third World conditions and perspectives.

The Praxis of Suffering: An Interpretation of Liberation and Political Theologies.

Those who confuse liberation movements with eternal salvation convert the gospel into an ideological promotion of political and social transformation.

(I am indebted for this story to Dorothee Sölle, who included it in her lecture, «The Role of Political Theology in Relation to the Liberation of Men,» one of the plenary addresses at the conference on Religion and the Humanizing of Man, Sept. 1 - 5, 1972, Los Angeles.)

From Brian: Liberation Theology is often criticized as reframing the gospel as a social / political agenda at the expense of the message of forgiveness of sins through Jesus.

’42 Indeed, women from all three continents, Africa, Asia and Latin America, say that «In the person and praxis of Jesus Christ, women of the three continents find the grounds of our liberation from all discrimination: sexual, racial, social, economic, political and religious... Christology is integrally linked with action on behalf of social justice and the defense of each person's right to life and to a more humane life.43 This means that Christology is about apartheid, sexual exploitation, poverty and oppression.

But the fundamentalists are popular with the Pinochet government because of their political conservatism and emphasis on passive acceptance of authority — in contrast to socially activist Catholic groups inspired by liberation theology.

For instance, in its first years, liberation theology was conceived as (second - order) reflection and discourse based on a (first - order) praxis of liberation from oppression, especially from social, economic and political injustice.

In the wake of the Stonewall riots, «Gay Liberation Fronts» sprang up across the country, using methods of intimidation and coercion to achieve political gains.

Indeed, a «sociological imagination» is slowly transforming all theologies — sometimes with unsettling and explicit power, as in the use of critical social theories in political and liberation theologies; sometimes with more implicit but no less unsettling effect, as in the increasing use of sociology of knowledge to clarify the actual social settings (or publics) of different theologies.

Practice (or praxis) is central to liberation theology; such theology seeks to be part of the historical political project of liberating the oppressed.

The three continents of South America, Africa and Asia share liberation theology's public enemy number one: the appalling political, social and economic oppression which has led to extreme human degradation.

U.S. policy toward Latin America has fluctuated between open support of dictatorships and hostility toward movements of liberation, and advocacy of a «restricted democracy,» in which a limited amount of political space is allowed so long as it does not rock the boat too much internally and in the hemisphere.

Therefore, the entreaty of Latin America is for liberation from cultural domination, economic exploitation, military regression, social marginalization and political imperialism; it is an appeal for fairness in international trade and the establishment of a social order that promotes human dignity, respects democratic institutions and guarantees an equitable distribution of wealth.

Broadly conceived, black theology asks not only about the metaphysical status of process theology, but also, and more importantly, can process theology illuminate social - political ethics in a way that contributes favorably to the liberation struggle?

Thus the really serious theological / political task comes into focus: to hold together in word and act, in talking and walking, what is one in the event of Easter: that the liberation of God, for us, has taken place in him.

In recent years, however, Pannenberg has voiced caution concerning one of the offspring of European political theology, South America's liberation theology.

What, then, of the possible lines of connection between Niebuhr's thought and the very «political» liberation theology of the 1980s?

The churches have failed to see that the challenge of world hunger (and the whole complex of related peace, liberation and development issues) constitutes a theological crisis for the church as well as a political, social and economic crisis for the world.

The liberation viewpoint stressed pulling control over the natural resources of poor countries out from under Western power so that the developmental process could continue under autonomous, socialist political systems.

Two such schools of thought have been North American process theology based on the philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead and liberation theology which originated in the struggles of Third World peoples for economic, political,...

Coakley is saying that any vision of the Trinity that lacks a political and sexual component — both of great concern to feminist theologians, liberation theologians and the like — is a false or at least sorely lacking description.

In these stories, disasters resulting from technological or political threats generate a social order that fails to deliver liberation of the individual.

(ENTIRE BOOK) Dr. Cobb applies process theology to the relevance of the world in expressions of hope, liberation theology, political theology and issues facing the global environment.

This global perspective contrasts not only with political theologies of the past which correlated theology with the needs of particular states, but also with liberation theologies.

For a few, this political theology may take the form of a liberation theology.

The alleged subordination of the gospel to Karl Marx is illustrated, for example, by charging that «false» liberation theology concentrates too much on a few selected biblical texts that are always given a political meaning, leading to an overemphasis on «material» poverty and neglecting other kinds of poverty; that this leads to a «temporal messianism» that confuses the Kingdom of God with a purely «earthly» new society, so that the gospel is collapsed into nothing but political endeavor; that the emphasis on social sin and structural evil leads to an ignoring or forgetting of the reality of personal sin; that everything is reduced to praxis (the interplay of action and reflection) as the only criterion of faith, so that the notion of truth is compromised; and that the emphasis on communidades de base sets a so - called «people's church» against the hierarchy.

The political manipulation of Christianity was the design behind the declaration of the National Party's first prime minister, D. F. Malan, that the church's «special calling» was to «guard the [Afrikaner] national interest,» and it is the design behind the recent call of South African Communist Party leader Joe Slovo for «every good believer to become a witness for liberation.»

Two such schools of thought have been North American process theology based on the philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead and liberation theology which originated in the struggles of Third World peoples for economic, political, and social independence but now has broadened to include the aspiration of minority groups (e.g., women and blacks) even within affluent First World countries.

Just what has South Africa's religious guardians of political orthodoxy all worked up is revealed in The Road to Damascus» charge that «right - wing Christians» are guilty of «vicious attacks against liberation theology.»

John Cobb's Process Theology as Political Theology and Delwin Brown's To Set at Liberty indicate the fruitfulness of this contextualization in the emerging dialogue between process and political or liberation thPolitical Theology and Delwin Brown's To Set at Liberty indicate the fruitfulness of this contextualization in the emerging dialogue between process and political or liberation thpolitical or liberation theologies.

In contrast to South Africa's vocal patrons of liberation theology (who are largely confined to the intellectual class), most evangelical independent and African indigenous churches eschew radical politics and the transformation of the Christian message into a political agenda.

Modernity, with its enthronement of «progress through technology» is, however, the concrete economic, social, political, cultural, and ecclesial orders against which liberation theologies direct their intellectual and religious dialectics.

Hence the rise of liberation (black, feminist, Third World), political, ecological, public, process, peace and holocaust theologies.