Not exact matches
What will it
mean for both sides in this debate — at least as it takes place among believers, in and for the church — to move beyond
political ideologies and culture wars and stand together under God's word
of law and
gospel?
It makes the
meaning of the
gospel concrete in terms
of some aspect
of the contemporary
political situation.
Worse still — and more to the point
of my concern — the translation
of the one Word
of God into direct social and
political terms has
meant that the churches neglect the message for which they do have sole responsibility, that which constitutes their specific raison d'etre, and which no other agency in the world is called on or is competent to proclaim: the
gospel of Holy Scripture which has the power to make people wise unto salvation through faith in Christ Jesus (2 Timothy 3:15).
Jesus
of the
Gospel accounts was compatible with the classic confession
of the true humanity o There my point was that the book's emphasis on the concrete historical -
political humanity
of the f Christ (i.e., the core
meaning of «incarnation»), whereas those who deny that humanity (or its normative exemplarity) in favor
of «some more spiritual» message are implicitly Docetic.
The alleged subordination
of the
gospel to Karl Marx is illustrated, for example, by charging that «false» liberation theology concentrates too much on a few selected biblical texts that are always given a
political meaning, leading to an overemphasis on «material» poverty and neglecting other kinds
of poverty; that this leads to a «temporal messianism» that confuses the Kingdom
of God with a purely «earthly» new society, so that the
gospel is collapsed into nothing but
political endeavor; that the emphasis on social sin and structural evil leads to an ignoring or forgetting
of the reality
of personal sin; that everything is reduced to praxis (the interplay
of action and reflection) as the only criterion
of faith, so that the notion
of truth is compromised; and that the emphasis on communidades de base sets a so - called «people's church» against the hierarchy.
By the end
of the Assembly, as Kenneth Slack pointed out, «most
of the members felt that there was more danger from undue stress on the evangelism
of individuals than the other way round, despite widely expressed anxiety, given expression by Stott, that liberation in
political, social and economic sense was in danger
of replacing salvation from sin at the heart
of the redeeming
gospel».73 There was no doubt that, despite the narrowing
of the range
of disagreements, important differences continued, especially with regard to the
meaning of salvation and the program
of dialogue with people
of other faiths.
In 1975 there appeared in Germany a book entitled: The Berlin Ecumenical Manifesto, on the Utopian Vision
of the World Council
of Churches, edited by Walter Kunneth and Peter Beyerhaus.34 The book attacked not only the World Council
of Churches but also the Lutheran World Federation, World Student Christian Federation, certain Roman Catholic groups, the German Evangelical Kirchentag, Taize, and to some extent even Lausanne.35 According to H. Berkof, the common thread through all the articles in the book was the desire to demonstrate that the World Council
of Churches no longer sought to proclaim the
Gospel throughout the world, but strove rather for a purely horizontal, social and
political, humanization and unification
of mankind by
means of religious pluralism and syncretism.
In
Political Theology Sölle similarly hopes to make clear that here is «not an attempt to develop a concrete political program from faith».16 But political interpretation of the gospel does have a positive as well as a critical
Political Theology Sölle similarly hopes to make clear that here is «not an attempt to develop a concrete
political program from faith».16 But political interpretation of the gospel does have a positive as well as a critical
political program from faith».16 But
political interpretation of the gospel does have a positive as well as a critical
political interpretation
of the
gospel does have a positive as well as a critical
meaning.
This
means «equipping the saints» to be twenty - first - century apologists who can (pace Pope Francis) offer compassionate aid to the walking wounded
of postmodern society, explain the truths about the human person that the Church believes are essential to a truly human
political community, and, if necessary, hold fast to
Gospel - based Christian moral convictions even if that
means professional or economic distress.
Theology provides an imperative, therefore, to expose hidden
political meanings and then to evaluate them in terms
of gospel values.
All my other point boiled down to was that if democracy is to
mean anything we need to be makers not takers
of political activity and that
means not being mere spectators, and not curtailing inquiries in advance or accepting what we're told as
Gospel truth.