Sentences with phrase «political points which»

Dana tends to abuse, math, modeling and «science» to make a political point which is exactly what this conversation is supposed to be about.

Not exact matches

It has triggered an extreme makeover for political satire, which is now more ubiquitous, more pointed, more passionate and often more partisan than ever before.

CNN political commentator took to Twitter to point out that Dove markets a moisturizing lotion, which is «for normal to dark skin.»

When I was a senior in college I attended an inspiring conference at West Point called the Student Conference on U.S. Affairs, which paired political science majors with cadets in the hopes of building future civilian - military relationships.

Dali Yang, a Chinese - born political scientist at the University of Chicago, points out that supporting off - line retail helps preserve domestic jobs, which pleases employment - conscious Chinese government officials.

He proposed a «third way» that he called containment, which he defined as «the adroit and vigilant application of counterforce at a series of constantly shifting geographical and political points, corresponding to the shifts and maneuvers of Soviet policy.»

Asked what it does to monitor foreign propaganda or prevent the buying of illegal political ads, Facebook merely pointed out its terms of service, which require advertisers to comply with «all applicable laws and regulations.»

Perhaps it's not quite the Austerity Games yet, but we are already at the point when very few countries in which the leadership is accountable to its populace will take on the financial and political risk of staging the Olympics.

As Michael Calderone at Huffington Post has pointed out, however, Labott has expressed political opinions before on Twitter, including one case in which she said that President Obama was «whining about criticism» at the G - 20 summit meeting.

Many people point to the National Flood Insurance Program, which was created to boost financial resilience in flood zones, but has been criticized from just about every political and technical vantage point as too often working to subsidize, instead of mitigate, vulnerability.

The point was the political decisions, which are long past urgent.

Cavanaugh pointed to both Brexit and the 2016 presidential election as political events that had investors worried, but which failed to result in a sustained dip in the market.

So what was the point of the call? Political optics, obviously — which explains why the PMO's subsequent spin effort was more important than the phone call itself.

With massive and increasing structural deficits; exploding debt in all sectors; hostile demographics; social and political fracturing and disintegration; grotesque wealth inequality; extraordinary global trade competition; a complete collapse of respect for vital government organizations such as the Justice Department and FBI, which the people now realize have gone rogue; an extremely complex and corrosive global geopolitical environment; the real prospect of war, potentially nuclear and worldwide; not to mention numerous additional factors, we can only point to few other times in history more dangerous to the people's financial welfare, and therefore more overall bullish for gold, one of the only financial sanctuaries proven to work in times of dislocation.

As you can see, conversations about medical ethics can get complex and circuitous very quickly (like many socio - political issues do)-- which is precisely the point that most of us miss.

Interestingly, the Times story does not mention the North American Man - Boy Love Association (NAMBLA), an organization that has the merit of being utterly straightforward on a subject about which the Times, at least at this point in its political evolution, feels compelled to be somewhat coy.

Beyond all these surprises, Perry pointed out, is the stunned recognition that things will never be the same again — that a great social, political and economic power, one which our world has reckoned with for most of this century, is unraveling.

(Unfortunately, I must say that the studies in various issues of Frères du Monde (from which these quotations are taken) seem to me very weak from a political and sociological point of view.)

The things I find most appalling about religion reach a new zenith in Islam --(i) a dulling down of individual thought and a dogmatic requirement to conform to the views of the masses; (ii) a stultifying ignorant education system in which anything inconsistent with the Qur» an is not just discouraged, but censored; (iii) the subjugation of women to the point of educating them to be nothing but mindless f * king, breeding machines for their insecure husbands; (iv) a political class that feeds off the religious - based ignorance it imposes on its populations; and (v) a general back - sliding against the rest of the planet because heads are buried in Dark Ages mythology.

Worse still — and more to the point of my concern — the translation of the one Word of God into direct social and political terms has meant that the churches neglect the message for which they do have sole responsibility, that which constitutes their specific raison d'etre, and which no other agency in the world is called on or is competent to proclaim: the gospel of Holy Scripture which has the power to make people wise unto salvation through faith in Christ Jesus (2 Timothy 3:15).

The doctrine produces outward Christian activity - an informal code on what is «Christian» life - style (the agreed points of which are nevertheless being whittled down with each passing year), Christian activity in and out of church, and a Christian empire with organs of entertainment, education, and political influence - but it does not necessarily produce Christians who are, at the roots of their being, Christian.

Indeed, the fundamental point here is that the strong appeal of the proposals being made by the new reformers is due to the fact that they cohere so well with the way in which we now understand political life and with the way in which we represent ourselves as moral agents.

Jared has clarified his critique of evangelicals, which seems to be a sociological critique that, regardless of what we say at the end of the day, our orientation reveals that the political has in fact become an idol.I think it's worth bringing up at this point Joe's post from way back....

In this last point we can see a family resemblance between deconstruction and political criticism, which practices a somewhat more traditional hermeneutic of suspicion.

He rightly cautions against the excessive politicizing of religion, which has reached the point where people choose their church on the basis of their social or political views.

Instead of doing so, he preached a series titled, «the Cross and the Sword,» which addressed the dangers of the Church associating too closely with any political point of view.

And in exploring the wide implications of it all, he noted «the risk of an alliance between democracy and ethical relativism, which would remove any sure moral reference point from political and social life, and on a deeper level make the acknowledgement of truth impossible» (VS 101) and warned us, as he had done in an earlier encyclical, that «As history demonstrates, a democracy without values easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism».

Barth's theology marked a complete break with the adjustments to modem culture and Prussian political order that Bonhoeffer had learned from his mentors in Berlin, and it provided the staffing point for the Confessing Church, which absorbed Bonhoeffer's pastoral energies after Hitler's ascendancy made it impossible for him to continue university teaching.

In his economics, Kirk could be quite critical of capitalism (which was, as he always pointed out in his characteristic solicitude for proper usage, a Marxist word) as a political ideology, and for libertarians he had no use at all.

He also points out, however, that the market system removes some kinds of inequality, such as those in feudal and authoritarian systems in which the people holding political power dictate the economic distribution as well.

No, Jesus, when pressed to use his authority to make a political point said simply, «Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's.»

As I hope I've made plain in my just war writing over the last fifteen years, there are certain forms of political «order» that are not «right order» and need not be preserved — indeed, conscience may require that they be resisted, by a variety of means, a point on which Thomas Jefferson and Lech Walesa would have agreed.

Referring to the criticism made by Peter Beyerhaus and some others that in the World Council's emphasis on social and political justice there is present a social utopianism which denies the fact of sin and affirms a self - redemptive humanism, Thomas admitted that the danger is always present, but pointed out the opposite danger of not admitting the fact of divine grace and the power of righteousness it releases for a daring faith in the realms of social and political action.

Further, much as he admired the United States — a civilization, he felt, full of reverberations of the realities to which he was trying to point in Integral Humanism — Maritain never fully grappled with such classics of American political economy as The Federalist, his fellow Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, or the writings of Abraham Lincoln.

It's almost impossible to claim devotion to the Jesus of the Scriptures, while refusing refugees, expelling immigrants, vilifying brown people, worshiping political power, guarding borders and neglecting the poor — which is exactly the point.

He theorized that religious thinking evolved at some point (ironically, you might say) and that in some cases tribe leaders were able to use this to get people to stop fighting and to form bigger, more powerful political units, which in turn won out over isolated tribes, thereby facilitating the spread of a particular religion.

One might also point to the secularization of contemporary society, which itself has many facets: the separation of political and educational institutions from the church, the autonomy of the intellectual disciplines, the dominance of this - worldly over otherworldly interests, the confidence in man's ability to control his own destiny without divine assistance.

The point is that each of these is a different way in which congregations» social space may be structured as a concrete, if relatively small, political and moral reality.

however this statement actually weakens the «controversial» aspect that He pointed to the Ku Klux Klan, which decades ago was «a functioning, dominant political force in American society which identified (itself) as a Christian organization, carrying out «God's work,» branding the flaming cross as (its) symbol,» he said.

He pointed to the Ku Klux Klan, which decades ago was «a functioning, dominant political force in American society which identified (itself) as a Christian organization, carrying out «God's work,» branding the flaming cross as (its) symbol,» he said.

Bill, my point was, which I think you understood because you ignored it, is that what is being labelled persecution of Christians, is (with the exception of missionaries who are routinely disliked because of what they do and how they behave) part of a larger political situation where religion is used as a nationalistic demarcation line.

He points out that the publication of this book in English corresponds with a political / cultural moment in which we're anxious, concerned, and to some degree confused by a growing economic inequality.

Lest you think this is too far - fetched, let me point out that when the drive to become is unchallenged it becomes in the political arena a right - wing fascism which is bound to have master race manifestations.

The present volume is the outcome of the conviction that most of our talk about post-war reconstruction misses the point in that the treaties, political organizations, and economic arrangements, about which we speak and write so voluminously, are only surface phenomena.

Unlike the kind of social commentary that Hollywood still churns out — in which everything would turn out better if only conservatives weren't so busy oppressing homosexuals or women or maybe unionized employees — it isn't interested in easy sociological answers or cheap political point - scoring.

It is to be remembered that Christianity began with an apocalyptic proclamation of the end of history, one which dominated the earliest Christian communities, and one which was renewed at each of the great crises or turning points of Christian history, just as it was renewed in each of our great modern political revolutions, and equally if not more deeply renewed in the advent of our deepest modern thinking and imaginative vision.

While others are listening to words of political wisdom from the mouths of golden orators, the little blacks silently and successfully approach from the four points of the compass, and set to work upon the scraps of good food which yet remain.

That was the point of a former prison, now turned peculiar tourist attraction, which once held notorious criminals and political enemies.

While one political side routinely points to massive, European - style budget cuts (known as Austerity) as the answer to our fiscal problems, others have argued that the best way to stimulate the economy is through a balanced approach which includes both cuts and revenue increases.

However, there is little public appetite for a boycott of the World Cup in England, which has been reflected in comments by England manager Gareth Southgate (who has argued England should definitely participate) and also in media comment which has pointed to the danger England could be excluded from future FIFA competitions if a political boycott was imposed by the country's leaders.