Sentences with phrase «poor and minority children as»

Philanthropic foundations that support education causes are interested in serving as many poor and minority children as possible; when 30 % to 40 % of a student body is made up of white or affluent students, the school is deemed suspect, as reform - minded foundations see such programs as «wasting» a third of their seats.
Bush had made «accountability» a cornerstone of his education platform, using his stated goal of ensuring equity for poor and minority children as a way of bolstering his credentials as a moderate.

Not exact matches

At the very least, therefore, schools for poor and minority children should have as much funding per student, as many qualified teachers and as good physical facilities as other schools.
We seek through the vitality of influence and power to arrest the injustice of others but impose in turn new forms of injustice because we are never as just as we claim to be: parent with child, children with parents, protesters with establishment, majorities with minorities, minorities with majorities, rich nations with poor, and poor nations with rich.
Once typical of only poor and minority women, this trend doesn't seem to be slowing down, as the stigma of being a single mother has been replaced by the choice by women to have children on their own.
Scientists have chronicled the impact of negative expectations in settings where they occur naturally, such as classrooms that «track» students from early youth and in society's treatment of stigmatized groups such as racial minorities, the poor, the elderly, the homeless, convicts and children with learning disabilities.
And it put a special focus on ensuring that states and schools boost the performance of certain groups of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education, and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peeAnd it put a special focus on ensuring that states and schools boost the performance of certain groups of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education, and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peeand schools boost the performance of certain groups of students, such as English - language learners, students in special education, and poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peeand poor and minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peeand minority children, whose achievement, on average, trails their peers.
Debunking the stereotype that the nation's poorest, most unhealthy, and most undereducated children are members of minority groups living in urban areas, the report says 14.9 million, or one - fourth of, American children living in rural areas face conditions «just as bleak and in some respects even bleaker than their metropolitan counterparts.»
In big cities where poor residents and minorities are concentrated, as many as 80 percent of public school parents say they would send their children to private schools if they could afford the tuition.
If courts can strike down teacher tenure laws as a violation of the rights of poor and minority children (see «Script Doctors,» legal beat, Fall 2014), why not use the results from CCSS assessments to go after the drawing of school boundaries in a way that perpetuates economic school segregation and denies children equal opportunity?
Instead, it has demonized conservatives as insufficiently committed to poor and minority children, in the course of which it went a considerable way to derail the reauthorization process.
Poor and minority children bring just as many problems to schools here as they do in New Zealand, especially when poverty is concentrated.
But ability grouping and its close cousin, tracking, in which children take different classes based on their proficiency levels, fell out of favor in the late 1980s and the 1990s as critics charged that they perpetuated inequality by trapping poor and minority students in low - level groups.
What has become clear is that explicitly focusing on the educational concerns of poor and minority children regardless of where they live, and expanding that to the criminal justice reform and other the social issues that end up touching (and are touched by) American public education, is critical, both in helping all children succeed as well as rallying long - terms support for the movement from the parents and communities that care for them.
The school reform movement must also embrace explicit and constant advocacy for poor and minority children and their communities as a critical component in advancing the transformation of American public education.
Your editor could have spent this morning focusing on news from yesterday's news from Bellwether Education Partners that the state plans proposed as part of implementation of the Every Student Succeeds Act show that districts are going to be allowed to perpetuate harm to poor and minority children.
What Kline essentially proposes to do is allow states and districts to spend federal education subsidies as they see fit without being accountable for providing all children — including those from poor and minority backgrounds — with high - quality teaching and comprehensive college - preparatory curricula.
For poor and minority students, risks are higher: 26 percent of those who face the «double jeopardy» of poverty and low reading proficiency fail to earn high school diplomas, and Hispanic and African American children who lack proficiency by third grade are twice as likely to drop out of school as their white counterparts.
And this is as true for children in our suburban schools — where one out of every four fourth - graders are functionally illiterate — as it is for our poorest and minority kids in urban and rural communitiAnd this is as true for children in our suburban schools — where one out of every four fourth - graders are functionally illiterate — as it is for our poorest and minority kids in urban and rural communitiand minority kids in urban and rural communitiand rural communities.
Thanks in part to a board of education dominated by conservative reformers such as Andy Smarick of the American Enterprise Institute and former Thomas B. Fordham Institute President Chester Finn Jr. (the latter of whom presided over the think tank's initial activism against the Obama - era guidance), the Old Line State only plans to intervene when suspension levels for poor, minority, and special ed - labeled children are three times higher than that of other peers.
It also made it clear to suburban districts that they could no longer continue to commit educational malpractice against poor and minority children, as well as focused American public education on achieving measurable results instead of damning kids to low expectations.
As any student of American history knows by now, the federal government has more - often been used as a tool for promoting the racism that is America's Original Sin (especially in education policy) than for transforming schools and communities for poor and minority childreAs any student of American history knows by now, the federal government has more - often been used as a tool for promoting the racism that is America's Original Sin (especially in education policy) than for transforming schools and communities for poor and minority childreas a tool for promoting the racism that is America's Original Sin (especially in education policy) than for transforming schools and communities for poor and minority children.
By shining harsh light on the low performance of schools as well as prescribing consequences for continued failure, No Child's accountability approach forced districts to focus on improving student achievement, especially for poor and minority children they have long ignored.
While U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan did his best to spin the administration's efforts as a solution for No Child's supposedly «broken» accountability measures, which he proclaimed, was «misleading» in identifying schools and districts — especially in suburbia — failing to provide high - quality education to poor and minority kids.
As Dropout Nation has pointed out ad nauseam since the administration unveiled the No Child waiver gambit two years ago, the plan to let states to focus on just the worst five percent of schools (along with another 10 percent or more of schools with wide achievement gaps) effectively allowed districts not under watch (including suburban districts whose failures in serving poor and minority kids was exposed by No Child) off the hook for serving up mediocre instruction and curricula.
While Coates doesn't touch on education policy, he essentially makes a strong historical case for why reformers (especially increasingly erstwhile conservatives in the movement) must go back to embracing accountability measures and a strong federal role in education policymaking that, along with other changes in American society, are key to helping children from poor and minority households (as well as their families and communities) attain economic and social equality.
The fact that some organizations even went so far as to push for aspects of the waiver gambit that have led to states defining proficiency down for poor and minority kids has also made them vulnerable to accusations from traditionalists that they care little for children while making it more difficult for allies to support them in other ways.
Last month, the administration scrambled to get Virginia to scrap its low expectations for poor and minority children amid outcry from reformers and civil rights activists over the Old Dominion's move to approve AMO targets that only require districts to ensure that 57 percent of black students (and 65 percent of Latino peers) are proficient in math by 2016 - 2017; those targets were blessed by the administration back in June as part of its approval of the state's waiver proposal.
As I have noted, stronger standards alone aren't the only reason why student achievement has improved within this period; at the same time, the higher expectations for student success fostered by the standards (along with the accountability measures put in place by the No Child Left Behind Act, the expansion of school choice, reform efforts by districts such as New York City, and efforts by organizations such as the College Board and the National Science and Math Initiative to get more poor and minority students to take Advanced Placement and other college prep courses), has helped more students achieve succesAs I have noted, stronger standards alone aren't the only reason why student achievement has improved within this period; at the same time, the higher expectations for student success fostered by the standards (along with the accountability measures put in place by the No Child Left Behind Act, the expansion of school choice, reform efforts by districts such as New York City, and efforts by organizations such as the College Board and the National Science and Math Initiative to get more poor and minority students to take Advanced Placement and other college prep courses), has helped more students achieve succesas New York City, and efforts by organizations such as the College Board and the National Science and Math Initiative to get more poor and minority students to take Advanced Placement and other college prep courses), has helped more students achieve succesas the College Board and the National Science and Math Initiative to get more poor and minority students to take Advanced Placement and other college prep courses), has helped more students achieve success.
As civil rights activists learned after the Morgan ruling, reformers must realize that the federal government must play a strong role on behalf of poor and minority children.
He also finds it particularly interesting that Common Core foes say they want high - quality education for all children, yet fail to consider that their opposition to the standards hurts poor and minority kids as well as middle class white and Asian children in suburbia, both of which have few options — including vouchers and charter schools — to which they can avail in order to get high - quality education.
That it means pushing for a rollback of federal education policy that have helped black and brown children as well as a return to the bad old days when states and districts were allowed to ignore their obligations to poor and minority children doesn't factor into any of their thinking.
As our country has doubled the amount we spend per pupil in the last few decades, our students» achievement in English, math and science has remained flat, and our poor and minority children continue to lag behind.
As Dropout Nation has noted ad nauseam, few of the accountability systems allowed to replace No Child's Adequate Yearly Progress provision are worthy of the name; far too many of them, including the A-to-F grading systems put into place by such states as New Mexico (as well as subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality educatioAs Dropout Nation has noted ad nauseam, few of the accountability systems allowed to replace No Child's Adequate Yearly Progress provision are worthy of the name; far too many of them, including the A-to-F grading systems put into place by such states as New Mexico (as well as subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality educatioas New Mexico (as well as subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality educatioas well as subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality educatioas subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality education.
The U.S. Department of Education is contemplating issuing new rules that could prod states to ensure that poor and minority children get access to as many high - quality teachers as their more - advantaged peers.
Then there was Virginia, which was granted a waiver in June 2012 by the Obama Administration in spite of its longstanding unwillingness to embrace systemic reform as well as address the low quality of teaching and curricula provided to poor and minority children.
The consequences — from allowing states to render poor and minority kids invisible altogether through such subterfuges as lumping all of subgroups into a so - called super subgroup category, to ignoring the failures of suburban districts to improve education for all children, to intolerable incoherence in federal education policy — were clear from the beginning.
It is billed as a more humane alternative to No Child Left Behind - style school reform, which can punish poor and heavily minority schools for poor performance without doing much to address root causes.
Angry about what they perceived as years of turmoil and indifference to the needs of poor and minority children, the parents and community activists had little faith that new leadership would make a difference.
Thanks to AYP, traditional districts — especially those in suburbia — have been exposed for failing to provide high - quality teaching, curricula, and school cultures to poor and minority children (as well as those condemned to the nation's special ed ghettos).
as long as those policies only apply to children who are attending urban schools that serve our minority and poor students.
Rural, suburban, urban, gifted, special education, English language learner, poor, minority — it simply doesn't matter... When we as adults do our job and give them opportunities to succeed, all of our children can be extraordinarily successful.
The CORE districts also couldn't offer a specific plan for how they would provide comprehensive college - preparatory courses aligned to the standards to poor and minority children in their schools, as well as English Language Learners and children trapped in the nation's special education ghettos.
As for the motivations of crappy teachers — do they suck because they aren't capable of teaching or because they don't care, are burnt out, don't like children (at least poor, minority children), or are unmotivated because they know that their union and its ridiculous contract will protect their jobs no matter what they do — I don't know.
ALEC initially pitched vouchers as a civil rights ticket for poor and minority children, and for foster children or special needs children.
If we become a country that rejects facts and analyses that do not support our political positions, sees research independently conducted and reviewed as dangerous, treats public education as only one — and one of the least desirable — ways to educate our children, makes it even harder than it is now for poor and minority children to get a college education, then, in my view, our days are numbered.
The data once again serves as a reminder that educational malpractice borne upon poor and minority children visit their better - off peers in the form of academic neglect.
Yet education traditionalists, ivory tower civil rights activists, and dyed - in - the - wool progressives, still stuck on integration as school reform, would rather criticize charters for supposedly perpetuating segregation (even though most urban communities largely consist of one race or class) than embrace a tool for helping poor and minority families give their children opportunities for high - quality education.
As Data Quality Campaign correctly notes, policymakers realized that shining a light on student achievement, especially for poor and minority children, would help in holding states and districts accountable.
From the so - called gifted - and - talented programs that end up doing little to improve student achievement (and actually do more damage to all kids by continuing the rationing of education at the heart of the education crisis), to the evidence that suburban districts are hardly the bastions of high - quality education they proclaim themselves to be (and often, serve middle class white children as badly as those from poor and minority households), it is clear that the educational neglect and malpractice endemic within the nation's super-clusters of failure and mediocrity isn't just a problem for other people's children.
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