Late - term infants outperformed full - term infants in all three cognitive dimensions (higher average test scores in elementary and middle school, a 2.8 percent higher probability of being gifted, and a 3.1 percent reduced probability of
poor cognitive outcomes) compared to full - term infants.
Not exact matches
These
outcomes include reducing the welfare caseload; employing former welfare recipients; increasing incomes for the
poor and near
poor; improving the
cognitive, physical and social development of children; reducing out - of - wedlock births; improving health care for low - income residents; and bolstering job stability and advancement.
Poor nutrition during these critical growth and developmental periods places infants and children at risk of impaired emotional and
cognitive development and adverse health
outcomes.
Shorter telomeres are linked to higher risks for heart disease, obesity,
cognitive decline, diabetes, mental illness and
poor health
outcomes in adulthood.
Poorer children have worse
cognitive, social - behavioural and health
outcomes because they are
poor, and not just because poverty is correlated with other household and parental characteristics, according to a new report from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE).
But getting back to its role in brain health, in 2007 researchers at the University of Wisconsin uncovered strong links between low levels of vitamin D in Alzheimer's patients and
poor outcomes on
cognitive tests.
Poor cognitive development19 — 21 and behavioural difficulties22 — 26 in childhood have each been associated with an increased prevalence of poor physical and mental health outcomes in adulth
Poor cognitive development19 — 21 and behavioural difficulties22 — 26 in childhood have each been associated with an increased prevalence of
poor physical and mental health outcomes in adulth
poor physical and mental health
outcomes in adulthood.
Cannabis use can be a significant contributor to
poor mental health, particularly when it begins at a young age.4, 5 The adverse mental health effects of cannabis use in the general population are increasingly recognised, including anxiety, depression, 6 — 8 psychotic disorders, 4, 9 — 12 dependence6, 7, 13 withdrawal14, 15 and
cognitive impairment.16, 17 Starting to use cannabis before age 15 is associated with an increased likelihood of developing later psychotic disorders, increased risk of dependence, other drug use, and
poor educational and psychosocial
outcomes.5
An estimated 1,560 children died because of maltreatment, with the highest rates of victimization in the first year of life — 20.6 per 1,000 children.1 Research demonstrates that
outcomes for children who survive child maltreatment (defined as neglect, abuse, or a combination of the two) are
poor, with performance below national norms in a range of
outcomes areas, including psychosocial and
cognitive well - being and academic achievement.2, 3,4 The costs to society overall of these children not reaching their full potential and the lower than expected productivity of adult survivors of abuse are estimated at as much as $ 50 - 90 billion per year in the U.S. 5,6 These findings underscore the need for strategies to prevent child maltreatment in order to improve
outcomes for children, families and communities.
These include
poor birth
outcomes, child abuse and neglect, and childhood
cognitive disabilities.
Small size at birth is associated with a range of adverse health
outcomes, 1 including
poor cognitive development, 2 an effect that is largely unconfounded by features of the family environment, such as socioeconomic status and birth order.
The first 5 years of life are critical for the development of language and
cognitive skills.1 By kindergarten entry, steep social gradients in reading and math ability, with successively
poorer outcomes for children in families of lower social class, are already apparent.2 — 4 Early
cognitive ability is, in turn, predictive of later school performance, educational attainment, and health in adulthood5 — 7 and may serve as a marker for the quality of early brain development and a mechanism for the transmission of future health inequalities.8 Early life represents a time period of most equality and yet, beginning with in utero conditions and extending through early childhood, a wide range of socially stratified risk and protective factors may begin to place children on different trajectories of
cognitive development.9, 10
Associated
outcomes include negative infant temperament, 24 insecure attachment, 25
cognitive and language development difficulties, 26 lower self - esteem and other
cognitive vulnerabilities to depression in five year olds, 27 and
poorer peer relations in early childhood.28
Illness beliefs and coping behaviour previously associated with a
poor outcome changed more with
cognitive behaviour therapy than with medical care alone.
Children from low - income families are more likely than those from higher - income families to have
poor social, emotional,
cognitive, behavioral, and health
outcomes.
As noted in the previous chapter, health inequalities can be fairly broadly defined to include differences in: specific health
outcomes (such as low birthweight, obesity, long - term conditions, accidents); health related risk factors that impact directly on children (such as
poor diet, low levels of physical activity, exposure to tobacco smoke); as well as exposure to wider risks from parental / familial behaviours and environmental circumstances (maternal depression and / or
poor physical health, alcohol consumption, limited interaction, limited
cognitive stimulation,
poor housing, lack of access to greenspace).
The mean relapse rate is 50 % at one year and over 70 % at four years.1 A recent prospective twelve year follow - up study showed that individuals with bipolar disorder were symptomatic for 47 % of the time.2 This
poor outcome in naturalistic settings suggests an efficacy effectiveness gap for mood stabilisers that has resulted in a re-assessment of the role of adjunctive psychological therapies in bipolar disorder.3 Recent randomised controlled trials show that the combination of pharmacotherapy and about 20 — 25 sessions of an evidence - based manualised therapy such as individual
cognitive behaviour therapy4 or family focused therapy5 may reduce relapse rates in comparison to a control intervention (mainly treatment as usual) in currently euthymic people with bipolar disorder.
Aboriginal Australians experience multiple social and health disadvantages from the prenatal period onwards.1 Infant2 and child3 mortality rates are higher among Aboriginal children, as are well - established influences on
poor health,
cognitive and education
outcomes, 4 — 6 including premature birth and low birth weight, 7 — 9 being born to teenage mothers7 and socioeconomic disadvantage.1, 8 Addressing Aboriginal early life disadvantage is of particular importance because of the high birth rate among Aboriginal people10 and subsequent young age structure of the Aboriginal population.11 Recent population estimates suggest that children under 10 years of age account for almost a quarter of the Aboriginal population compared with only 12 % of the non-Aboriginal population of Australia.11
Previous research has found that exposure to
poor maternal mental health in the early years can have a range of impacts on child behavioural, emotional, social and
cognitive outcomes, and that there may be differences in
outcomes for those exposed to brief or long - standing maternal mental ill health.
Yet, at - risk infants and toddlers often receive child care of such
poor quality that it may actually diminish inborn potential and lead to
poorer cognitive, social, and emotional - developmental
outcomes.
While a substantial body of international evidence indicates that these children display
poorer cognitive and socio - emotional
outcomes than children living in traditional families, research on childhood mental disorders is scarce.
There is substantial evidence that many developmental
outcomes, such as
cognitive development and behavior problems for LBW / PT children, are influenced not only by the growth compromised in utero but also by environmental factors such as poverty (McCarton, 1998) and
poor parenting (Dadds & Salmon, 2003), and also by child temperament (Hertzig & Mittleman, 1984).
As expected, the responsiveness of the depressed mothers was generally
poorer than that of the well controls; and when the nature of this early maternal interactive behaviour was considered, it was found to account for the differences in the
cognitive outcome at 9 and 18 months of the depressed and well mothers» infants.6 14 The interactive style associated with the occurrence of depression, therefore, rather than exposure to depressive symptoms per se, carries the major explanatory force.
It is certainly the case that, in the study of Lyons - Ruth and colleagues, infant
outcome in terms of both
cognitive development and attachment security was more compromised in the context of severe, rather than mild, maternal depression.3 In addition, Campbell et al found
poor infant behaviour to occur in the context of interactions with the mother where the mother was chronically, but not more briefly, depressed.12 In contrast, other studies have found adverse infant
outcome to obtain in spite of maternal remission from depression some months before the infant assessment.