It is well known in this profession that the most significant indicator of
poor outcomes for children of separated parents is unremitting parental conflict.
Intergenerational cycles of poverty are known to be associated with
poor outcomes for children.40 41 Low maternal birthweight42 and poor maternal nutrition during childhood43 are associated with low birthweight in the mother's offspring, which is associated with poor outcomes in infancy, childhood, and into adult life.44 Material deprivation increases the risk of illness and other adverse outcomes throughout the life course.45 46 In addition, the length of time in poverty appears to have important effects on child behavioural and educational outcomes, which are probably mediated, in part, by the adverse effects of long term poverty on parenting.
The divorce research is clear: there is a correlation between the level of conflict between parents and
poorer outcomes for their children.
The first 5 years of life are critical for the development of language and cognitive skills.1 By kindergarten entry, steep social gradients in reading and math ability, with successively
poorer outcomes for children in families of lower social class, are already apparent.2 — 4 Early cognitive ability is, in turn, predictive of later school performance, educational attainment, and health in adulthood5 — 7 and may serve as a marker for the quality of early brain development and a mechanism for the transmission of future health inequalities.8 Early life represents a time period of most equality and yet, beginning with in utero conditions and extending through early childhood, a wide range of socially stratified risk and protective factors may begin to place children on different trajectories of cognitive development.9, 10
Not exact matches
I deeply believe that we will not get to the best
outcome for children in
poor communities without faith communities taking a stand.
These
outcomes include reducing the welfare caseload; employing former welfare recipients; increasing incomes
for the
poor and near
poor; improving the cognitive, physical and social development of
children; reducing out - of - wedlock births; improving health care
for low - income residents; and bolstering job stability and advancement.
• Where mothers had been depressed AND the fathers had worked long hours (particularly at weekends) in the first two years of their baby's life, this predicted
poor developmental
outcomes for their
child through to age 10, especially among boys (Letourneau et al, 2009).
In experiments with families at high risk
for poor child outcomes, researchers randomly assigned some mothers to receive training in responsive parenting techniques.
A decade after Congress passed the No
Child Left Behind law, educators are as divided as ever on the law's key goal: how to improve educational
outcomes for poor children.
For instance, in the United States, researchers usually confirm that
children with permissive parents tend to have
poorer outcomes than do kids with authoritative parents.
To the extent that depressed mothers have persistent mood problems during participation in home visiting, they may benefit less from services and their
children will continue to be at risk
for poor outcomes.
Programs that are successful with families at increased risk
for poor child development
outcomes tend to be programs that offer a comprehensive focus — targeting families» multiple needs — and therefore may be more expensive to develop, implement, and maintain.
The prognosis
for children with conduct problems is
poor, with
outcomes in adulthood including criminal behaviour, alcoholism, drug abuse, domestic violence,
child abuse and a range of psychiatric disorders.
The prognosis
for children with conduct problems is
poor, with
outcomes in adulthood including criminal behaviour, alcoholism, drug abuse, domestic violence,
child abuse and a range of psychiatric disorders [3 — 6].
Some of the potential causes of
poor breastfeeding
outcomes among black and Puerto Rican women include breastfeeding ambivalence (7), the availability of free formula from the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program
for Women, Infants, and
Children (WIC)(8), a high level of comfort with the idea of formula feeding (9), limited availability and lower intensity of WIC breastfeeding support
for minority women (10, 11), and issues surrounding trust building and perceived mistreatment by providers (12).
If not, consider that many families who had a
poor outcome with a midwife have become bankrupt and have to rely on Medicaid and other forms of assistance to care
for their
child.
There is emerging evidence that untreated mental health problems in pregnancy or post partum period are associated with
poorer long - term
outcomes for children beyond the immediate postnatal period.
They found a higher prevalence of risk factors
for poor outcomes in black
children that include ventilator use, oxygen support, wound infections, transfusions and neonatal status.
Without the right trigger, delays are likely, and
outcomes for these
children are likely to be
poorer, they say.
Working toward this ideal requires attention to not only economic inequities but also to the many related inequities that harm
children who grow up
poor and to the opportunities
for disrupting the strong predictive relationship between poverty and negative
outcomes.
Chronic feeding problems increase a
child's risk
for poor medical and developmental
outcomes, including malnutrition, growth retardation, social deficits and
poor academic achievement.
If the single - parent family structure adversely affects
children's educational
outcomes, then the difference in trends across income groups could possibly account
for more of the growing gap in educational attainment between rich and
poor children than income inequality itself.
«From these findings, we know that naturally occurring decreases in family income - to - needs were associated with worse developmental
outcomes for children from
poor families,» says Dearing, who coauthored the study with Kathleen McCartney, a professor at HGSE, and Beck Taylor, an economist at Baylor University.
A handful of experimental studies have documented that early - education programs promote school achievement, especially
for children at risk
for poor school
outcomes.
The challenge before us is to understand why and how disadvantaged environments lead to impaired learning,
poor health, and maladaptive behavior, and to use that knowledge to increase the probability of more positive
outcomes for all
children.
[12] As Aud notes, the Education Finance Incentive Grant is particularly problematic because it incentivizes states to equalize spending across districts when there is no evidence that such an approach is an effective way to improve
outcomes for poor children.
Much of the public conversation around school improvement focuses on early childhood and the elementary years, in an effort to prevent or lessen inequitable
outcomes for poor children.
The proposed reforms, outside and inside schools — to reduce the test - score gap between whites and
poor minorities; to help
poor minority families increase their income through steady work at livable wages and then their
children's test scores will improve; to establish research - proven reading programs
for every single,
poor, or minority
child; to give each kid a laptop computer — are endless and uncertain in their
outcomes.
The Annie E. Casey Foundation is devoted to developing a brighter future
for millions of
children at risk of
poor educational, economic, social and health
outcomes.
These are all linked to
poor social and emotional
outcomes for children.
The education secretary Justine Greening will be brought before MPs next month to answer questions about school funding, changes to GCSEs and educational
outcomes for poorer children, the new education select committee has announced.
In the end, the key lesson was that, in the low - income communities involved, systems - level initiatives, by themselves, could not transform
poor educational, school, and health
outcomes for vulnerable
children and families.
The difference in England is that the British have taken a completely different approach to improving
outcomes for poor children.
Although there is evidence pointing to positive gains from both, and there are some indications that no - excuses charters might have an edge, the magnitude and duration of each model's supposed advantages — especially
for poor children's employment, earnings, and general life
outcomes — remain to be seen.
Meanwhile, a new report from Stanford University's Center
for Research of Education
Outcomes (CREDO) found that online charters do a very
poor job of educating
children.
National studies show that school finance reform has had a significant positive effect on academic and life
outcomes, especially
for poor children.
Those increases have been proven to improve educational and life
outcomes, especially
for poor children.
For example, despite universal agreement that pre-K improves academic and life outcomes, especially for poor children, Wentzell said she did not know whether pre-K helps close achievement ga
For example, despite universal agreement that pre-K improves academic and life
outcomes, especially
for poor children, Wentzell said she did not know whether pre-K helps close achievement ga
for poor children, Wentzell said she did not know whether pre-K helps close achievement gaps.
But by the end of Key Stage 1 in 2017, the
outcomes for disadvantaged
children in the local authority were in the top 20 % nationally, with 67 % of
poorer children achieving the expected level.
In a statement, the organisation said it shared the «ambition and passion
for social mobility», but warned that experts were «unanimous that an expansion of grammar schools would lead to worse
outcomes for the majority of
children, especially the
poorest».
So the
outcome of No
Child Left Behind and Race to the Top has been more funding
for schools that are doing well and more discipline and narrow test - preparation
for the
poorest schools.
«But... I have yet to find anyone who works in education who is complacent about the huge gaps between the educational
outcomes for children from rich and
poor backgrounds.»
Improving Educational
Outcomes for Poor Children Improving Educational
Outcomes for Poor Children
For instance, in the United States, researchers usually confirm that
children with permissive parents tend to have
poorer outcomes than do kids with authoritative parents.
Social risk factors such as growing up in poverty, racial / ethnic minority status, and maternal depression have been associated with
poorer health
outcomes for children.
And finally, a new report released by The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare and the National Centre
for Social and Economic Modelling (NATSEM) which looked at the link between social exclusion and the risk of
poor health
outcomes, found that
children living in areas with a higher risk of social exclusion had
poorer health than those who lived in other areas.
Mothers were eligible to participate if they did not require the use of an interpreter, and reported one or more of the following risk factors
for poor maternal or
child outcomes in their responses to routine standardised psychosocial and domestic violence screening conducted by midwives
for every mother booking in to the local hospital
for confinement: maternal age under 19 years; current probable distress (assessed as an Edinburgh Depression Scale (EDS) 17 score of 10 or more)(as a lower cut - off score was used than the antenatal validated cut - off score
for depression, the term «distress» is used rather than «depression»; use of this cut - off to indicate those distressed approximated the subgroups labelled in other trials as «psychologically vulnerable» or as having «low psychological resources» 14); lack of emotional and practical support; late antenatal care (after 20 weeks gestation); major stressors in the past 12 months; current substance misuse; current or history of mental health problem or disorder; history of abuse in mother's own childhood; and history of domestic violence.
In studies of sequencing per se, declines in income have been found to be associated with
poorer developmental
outcomes.6 13 27 Furthermore, economic fluctuations seem especially consequential
for children living in poverty, 6 22 and it has been suggested that economic fluctuations may pose even greater risks to development compared with disadvantaged, but stable, economic circumstances.28
These results are similar to those found in other sustained nurse home visiting studies, 1 14 although the intervention impacted on a broader range of domains of the home environment
for this subgroup of women than has been reported previously.1 An increasing body of evidence from both animal and human studies suggests that stress in pregnancy has significant impacts on developmental and behavioural
outcomes for children.29 While the mental development of
children of mothers who were not distressed antenatally in both the intervention and comparison groups was comparable with the general population,
children's development was particularly
poor in the distressed subgroup in the absence of the MECSH intervention, suggesting that sustained nurse home visiting may be particularly effective in ameliorating some adverse developmental impacts
for children of mothers with antenatal distress.
Some longitudinal research has suggested that this type of parenting style may result in more favorable
outcomes for poor and minority
children (Deater - Deckard & Dodge, 1997; Steinberg et al., 1992).