Sentences with phrase «poor psychological outcomes»

The most hurtful debate about marriage equality critiques the ability of same - sex couples to parent, claiming their children have poor psychological outcomes.

Or a similar integrity, for, as Anderson writes, «the largest and most rigorous academic study on the results of hormonal and surgical transitioning... found strong evidence of poor psychological outcomes.»

Not exact matches

Similar results were found through other research, such as a 2014 study by Washington University in St. Louis that indicated nearly half of all Americans couldn't come up with $ 2,000 within 30 days to cover a major illness or job layoff, leading to poor social, psychological and health outcomes for the entire household.

The psychological culprit here is called regret aversion: people tend to put off making decisions because they fear their choice will lead to a poor outcome.

Gain a better understanding of the positive physical and psychological health outcomes that can be achieved such that premature judgements of a poor prognosis may be averted.

Mothers were eligible to participate if they did not require the use of an interpreter, and reported one or more of the following risk factors for poor maternal or child outcomes in their responses to routine standardised psychosocial and domestic violence screening conducted by midwives for every mother booking in to the local hospital for confinement: maternal age under 19 years; current probable distress (assessed as an Edinburgh Depression Scale (EDS) 17 score of 10 or more)(as a lower cut - off score was used than the antenatal validated cut - off score for depression, the term «distress» is used rather than «depression»; use of this cut - off to indicate those distressed approximated the subgroups labelled in other trials as «psychologically vulnerable» or as having «low psychological resources» 14); lack of emotional and practical support; late antenatal care (after 20 weeks gestation); major stressors in the past 12 months; current substance misuse; current or history of mental health problem or disorder; history of abuse in mother's own childhood; and history of domestic violence.

The xTEND project enabled the establishment of a unique set of mental health - related data from two large community samples across rural and urban regions of New South Wales in which to explore the role of community and interpersonal networks, adversity and depression as potential risk factors for suicide and poor physical and psychological outcomes.

Mothers most commonly reported that their children were in the care of relatives (65 %) with 11 % reporting that their child was in the child protection system.15 Disruption to a child's living arrangements, including separation from parents and siblings, can result in psychological and emotional distress.16 17 A recent systematic review and meta - analysis of 40 studies that investigated child outcomes when either parent was incarcerated found a significant association with antisocial behaviour (pooled OR = 1.6, 95 % CI 1.4 to 1.9) and poor educational performance (pooled OR = 1.4, 95 % CI 1.1 to 1.8).18 Other research indicates that children of incarcerated mothers are at risk of increased criminal involvement, mental health issues, physical health problems, behavioural problems, 19 child protection contact20 and poorer educational outcomes.21

Many trials used volunteers or people selected by referrers as willing to take part in parenting projects, thus excluding many disorganised, unmotivated, or disadvantaged families, who have the most antisocial children.2 A review of meta - analyses of published trials of psychological treatments for childhood disorders found that in university settings the effect size was large, from 0.71 to 0.84 SD.12 In contrast, a review of six studies of outcome in regular service clinics since 1950 showed no significant effects, 12 and a large trial offering unrestricted access to outpatient services found no improvement.13 Reasons suggested for the poor outcome in clinic cases include that they have more severe problems, come from more distressed families, and receive less empirically supported interventions from staff with heavier caseloads.

Whereas adolescents from democratic households reported the most favorable health outcomes, adolescents from authoritarian, overprotective, and psychologically controlling families (all characterized by relatively high levels of psychological control) showed an increased risk for poor perceived health over time.

The mean relapse rate is 50 % at one year and over 70 % at four years.1 A recent prospective twelve year follow - up study showed that individuals with bipolar disorder were symptomatic for 47 % of the time.2 This poor outcome in naturalistic settings suggests an efficacy effectiveness gap for mood stabilisers that has resulted in a re-assessment of the role of adjunctive psychological therapies in bipolar disorder.3 Recent randomised controlled trials show that the combination of pharmacotherapy and about 20 — 25 sessions of an evidence - based manualised therapy such as individual cognitive behaviour therapy4 or family focused therapy5 may reduce relapse rates in comparison to a control intervention (mainly treatment as usual) in currently euthymic people with bipolar disorder.

The Framework established links between self - reported race discrimination and poor health outcomes including: depression, psychological distress, stress and anxiety.

According to resource models, lower income is associated with poorer health outcomes because of increased psychological stress, which may result in lower quality parenting (Conger, Conger, Matthews, & Elder, 1999).

As shown by Fischer and Shaw (1999), African American youth who receive negative racial socialization messages or messages that devalue or overlook the positive characteristics related to being African American (e.g., «learning about Black history is not that important») are more prone to evidence poorer psychological adjustment and academic outcomes.