Sentences with phrase «poorer classes of children»

It might leave to parents to obtain the education where and how they pleased, and content itself with helping to pay the school fees of the poorer classes of children, and defraying the entire school expenses of those who have no one else to pay for them.

Not exact matches

But it is a different story if we use the low income measure, which looks at the gap between poor children and the middle class, calculating the number of children who live in a family which has less than one half of the income of a comparable middle income family.

Can people in bad, poor areas break out of the cycle of family instability that puts children at risk academically, economically, socially, and emotionally — a cycle currently working its way through the working class?

The New Yorker Book of Kids» Cartoons (2001) features only three cartoons with families of more than two children — one a family of fish, another of cats, and a third an obviously poor, white, working - class family.

The Sunday School was started to provide Christian nurture and knowledge of the Bible for poor children who lacked the advantages of middle - class family life.

Poor people on average consume the same level of vitamins, minerals, and protein as do middle - class folk, and poor children actually eat more meat and protein than do their middle - class pePoor people on average consume the same level of vitamins, minerals, and protein as do middle - class folk, and poor children actually eat more meat and protein than do their middle - class pepoor children actually eat more meat and protein than do their middle - class peers.

If [poor black families] are matriarchal by choice (i.e., if lower - class men, women, and children truly prefer a family consisting of a mother, children, and a series of transient males) then it is hardly the federal government's proper business to try to alter this choice.

From what he could see, the parents taking their seats in the auditorium were the ones he had hoped to attract: typical Harlem residents, mostly African American, some Hispanic, almost all poor or working class, all struggling to one degree or another with the challenges of raising and educating children in one of New York City's most impoverished neighborhoods.

His conclusion: if you want poor kids to be able to compete with their middle - class peers, you need to change everything in their lives — their schools, their neighborhoods, even the child - rearing practices of their parents.

There are good political and social reasons behind making pre-K available to everyone, including the benefits to all children of socioeconomic integration and the fact that middle - class voters are more likely to be invested in programs that aren't narrowly targeted at the poor.

I think it is important to point out that this isn't just an issue for middle class families who care deeply about their child's diet and are able to provide abundant healthy food choices but school menus have great impact on many, many poor children who, through no fault of their own and often with no agency to change the situation, end up being pawns in the lunch tray wars.

Few of us want to risk a completely new name on our infants that no one can spell, but we don't want the poor child to be the ninth kid in class with the same name, either.

For working - class and poor families, the cultural logic of child rearing at home is out of synch with the standards of institutions.»

No one had all the answers yet, but they had, at least, a new set of questions: What specific resources did middle - class children have that allowed them to succeed at such higher rates than poor children?

The scheme's critics argued that Specialist Schools encouraged segregation in education, insofar as the middle class parents who were long best placed to ensure favourable outcomes from school admissions regimes of grammar schools would continue to be able to get their children into the better schools, at the expense of those from poorer and socially excluded backgrounds.

Then, he took those lightweight twinkletoes and gave poor and working class New Yorkers the chance to send their children to mostly superior charter schools intsead of leaving them in the cesspools of the public system (and, in the process, forced the public system to get much better because of the competition.)

• Short - term savings from cutting the middle class out of state benefits as Nick Clegg suggests on child benefit (Britain needs «savage» cuts, says Clegg, 19 September) would weaken public support for the social safety net on which the poorest depend and ultimately endanger the future of the welfare state itself.

Iain Duncan Smith has, for some time, wanted to base the extra # 10billion cuts needed from his budget on changing universal benefits so that the middle classes and higher earners do not receive unjustified handouts (child benefit for higher earners, for example), rather than balance his budget on the backs of the poor and vulnerable.

«The combination of a high cost of living, shortage of good jobs, lack of affordable housing and poor performing schools makes it hard for middle class families — and their children — to get ahead, or even hold their own,» she said.

Stronger associations between higher levels of pollution around pregnant women and poorer lung function in their subsequent children appeared among allergic children and those of lower social class.

The results of eye tests carried out as part of last year's annual survey of the health of schoolchildren were the worst on record, with the highest ever number of children having sight classed as «extremely poor».

As evidence of peer influence, she also notes that siblings grow up to be very different adults; that adopted children are more like their biological parents than their adopted parents in terms of such traits as criminality; and that adolescents from poor neighborhoods are more likely to be delinquents than adolescents from middle - class neighborhoods, whereas being from a broken home has no effect on delinquency.

The campaign for The role of children during this time depends mostly on the economic status of the class (poor) children needed to work to help support.

Rendering characters they developed in tandem with their Spanish writer - director, these non-professional but astoundingly gifted performers convey so much of what matters in so many working - class black lives: the solidarity but also the standoff between parent and child; the series of low - ceiling jobs; the alienation from what few social services still exist; the yearning but also the wariness awakened by new romantic prospects; and the suddenness with which poor choices, ambient prejudice, or adolescent disaffection lead to intractable enmeshments in the penal apparatus.

In the middle of the last decade, in urban communities across America, middle - class and upper - middle - class parents started sending their children to public schools again — schools that for decades had overwhelmingly served poor and (and overwhelmingly minority) populations.

Most of the seven hundred or so children who attend this K - 12 institution located in a tough neighborhood in Northeast Washington enter scoring well below their grade level in reading and math; the school is overwhelmingly black and largely poor or working - class.

Lots of research talks about what happens in the first few years of a kid's life and how poor children don't get the support and input — things as simple as language or as complicated as an outlook on life, self - esteem, and how you interact with institutions — that middle - class kids tend to get.

Wanting to see for himself, Mike visits his local elementary school in Takoma Park, Maryland, where «the children of übereducated whites» are in the same classrooms as poor blacks, black middle - class families» and «poor immigrant children from Latin America, Ethiopia, and Eritrea.»

Several factors affect poor children's academic performances, and more money doesn't always close the gap between their test scores and the scores of their white, middle class counterparts, Neill told Education World.

The SAT was first used to open the doors of elite institutions to certain middle - class and poor children who wouldn't have gotten in under the system that favored the old boy network.

People from outside the community may think that the only difference between a middle - class child and a poor one is money, but life in a devastated community is a minefield of potential setbacks for children.

Piney Branch Elementary serves an incredibly diverse group of 3rd, 4th, and 5th graders, from the children of übereducated white and black middle - class families, to poor immigrant children from Latin America, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, to low - income African American kids.

Khan was approached by the Los Altos, California, school system and developed a program for experimental use of Khan Academy material in two 5th - and 7th - grade classes; the latter held children from «across El Camino Real,» the poorer part of Los Altos.

Probably the most thought - provoking portion of Professor Wax's essay is her discussion of how both models — no - excuses and income mixing — «assume that, to succeed in school and in life, poor children need to be taught bourgeois, middle - class values — and socialized away from their culture of birth.»

But vouchers would not, in Illich's view, offer poor children those benefits that truly set middle - class children apart: the conversation of educated people, books in the home, travel.

But ability grouping and its close cousin, tracking, in which children take different classes based on their proficiency levels, fell out of favor in the late 1980s and the 1990s as critics charged that they perpetuated inequality by trapping poor and minority students in low - level groups.

Schools actually narrow the achievement gap; it's what affluent children get before they start school that gives them significant academic advantages over the children of the middle class and the poor, according to the research.

The man who launched Sylvan Learning Centers, the for - profit franchises that tutor thousands of students in storefronts and shopping malls across the nation, said the centers have hiked their hourly fees beyond the reach of the middle - class and poor children who really need them.

Instead, it is likely that the most effected by budget cuts will be working class and near poor children, those children who attend school districts that receive limited federal dollars but lack the advantages of high local property values or school taxes.

Some of the biggest axes would fall on a $ 2.3 billion program for teacher training and class - size reduction, and a $ 1.2 billion after - school program, which serves nearly 2 million children, many of them poor.

Because the purpose of Title 1 is to provide additional support for children from poor and minority backgrounds, any use of the subsidies for general school operations (including for kids from the middle class) is a violation of federal law.

Gone, for example, would be $ 1.2 billion for after school programs that serve 1.6 million children, most of whom are poor, and $ 2.1 billion for teacher training and class - size reduction.

More importantly, these writers have essentially embraced the Poverty and Personal Responsibility myths that education traditionalists have held so dear, declaring that helping children of the poor — especially those from single - family households — move into the middle class is almost impossible.

Neither middle class or poor parents should have fewer or no choices in the array of schools whose teaching and curricula are critical to the futures of their children and communities, than in restaurants to which they should never have to go.

We need to hear more about the nobility of teaching, the impact that it has and the particular rewards derived from improving the chances of children from poorer and more difficult backgrounds — far greater, I'd argue, than teaching the gilded off - spring of the Chinese or Qatari ruling classes.

TFA, suitably representative of the liberal education reform more generally, underwrites, intentionally or not, the conservative assumptions of the education reform movement: that teacher's unions serve as barriers to quality education; that testing is the best way to assess quality education; that educating poor children is best done by institutionalizing them; that meritocracy is an end - in - itself; that social class is an unimportant variable in education reform; that education policy is best made by evading politics proper; and that faith in public school teachers is misplaced.

The rules requiring waiver states to submit plans for providing poor and minority children with high - quality teachers was unworkable because it doesn't address the supply problem at the heart of the teacher quality issues facing American public education; the fact that state education departments would have to battle with teachers» union affiliates, suburban districts, and the middle - class white families those districts serve made the entire concept a non-starter.

And it is important to remind some Beltway reformers that focusing on poor and minority children will not only help all kids, but can even win suppoet from middle class blacks and Latinos, who will make up the majority of all Americans by mid-century.

Finally, Dr. Jeff Duncan - Andrade, professor of Raza Studies at San Francisco State University and a high school teacher in East Oakland, California, closed the day with a moving talk on critical pedagogy in urban settings in which he shared his own experiences and strategies for effective teaching in schools serving poor and working - class children.

He also finds it particularly interesting that Common Core foes say they want high - quality education for all children, yet fail to consider that their opposition to the standards hurts poor and minority kids as well as middle class white and Asian children in suburbia, both of which have few options — including vouchers and charter schools — to which they can avail in order to get high - quality education.