While 81 % of Corbyn supporters self - identify as leftwing, only 15 % of
potential Labour voters do so.
There was also significant support for a second referendum, with 51 % of
potential Labour voters backing another vote.
Choosing Gordon also means Salmond can appeal to disaffected or
potential Labour voters.
Among the reservations that
potential Labour voters have about the party — economic competence, opposition to welfare reform, the leader himself — opposition to an EU referendum does not rank very high.
All Jeremy's «right on» liberal sentimentality is doing is reinforcing the neoliberal status quo which empowers Capital against labour, and is alienating millions of actual, ex, and
potential Labour voters — looking for a radical Left agenda (or of course, failing that — a radical Right populist one via a more Left - faking UKIP Mk 2) that actually tries to stand up to the power of the neoliberal market.
While 81 per cent of the people who voted for Corbyn say they are «very» or «fairly» left - wing, a mere 15 per cent of
potential Labour voters, and just 25 per cent of «weak» Labour supporters do so.
Other
potential Labour voters opted not to care, on the basis that the party did not really seem to care either.
But Jarvis believes
potential Labour voters are concerned about the risks of globalisation for jobs and wages.
I am confident that most
potential Labour voters want to see both a more diverse Labour party in parliament, and also a Labour government radically different from the last one.
So Smith wants a Labour Government then with his call for another referendum on the EC (not accepting the democratic will of he people) the first thing he does is slap 17m Out voters in the face and a significant number of these are
potential Labour voters!
To be frank his views made what should have been an easy decision into a difficult one.I don't trust Smith and will back Jeremy again but I am concerned.Having sensible views on immigration and defence is ethical and doesn't turn me into a raging right winger or closet racist and is probably in line with what most
potential Labour voters want.I'd like to think that more will join our party and that Corbyn will continue democratizing it, giving us the opportunity to shape policy ourselves.
«Having sensible views on immigration and defence is ethical and doesn't turn me into a raging right winger or closet racist and is probably in line with what most
potential Labour voters want.»
In other words,
some potential Labour voters hope you will greatly increase public spending, and others fear that you will.
Not exact matches
Back in the late 90s, shortly after the Scottish Tories were wiped out in the 1997
Labour landslide, Sir Malcolm Rifkind used to make a little speech in which he claimed that up to 40 % of Scots
voters were
potential Conservatives.
The trend is obvious and often commented upon, but what is consistently missed is the disconnect between what
potential rural
Labour voters want and what they are offered.
He can either make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or he can fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his
potential voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
He argues that to win the next election, Ed Miliband needs to make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his
potential voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
I've just returned from a remarkable fringe meeting at the party's annual autumn conference, in which Ian Dexter, a Ukip member, former candidate in county and district elections and
potential parliamentary candidate for 2015, outlined his strategy for winning over
Labour voters.
We now know that these larger poll numbers were predicated on large numbers of
potential voters who were powerfully demotivated; witness the
Labour voters who stayed at home at the 2009 European elections.
As a
Labour MP and
potential Justice secretary,
voters might prefer someone who has fewer friends in prison (despite the obvious difficulty this might pose).
More than 100 backbench
Labour MPs are also thought to oppose the plan creating the
potential for a significant showdown between Gordon Brown and his own party at a time when the polls show that many
voters think
Labour would be better off with a new leader.
David Cameron continues to enjoy very good underlying figures — 66 % of people see him as a
potential Prime Minister (obviously this includes nearly all Tory
voters, but also a majority of
Labour and Lib Dem
voters).
Where the Conservatives have more grounds for optimism are some of the other questions asked in the recent polls about David Cameron — a recent ICM poll that found that David Cameron was seen as a
potential PM, a person who could change the way people thought about the Conservatives and a person who over a third of
Labour voters and almost half Lib Dem
voters said they could vote for; another ICM poll that found that 40 % of people thought that Cameron was the natural heir of Tony Blair — these sort of findings were definitely not seen after Michael Howard became leader.
Senior Tories are reportedly nervous of a
potential Lib Dem revival, with the party seeking to capitalise on the frustrations of EU nationals — who weren't able to vote in the Brexit referendum — and Remain
voters over the Government's chaotic handling of Brexit and
Labour's inconsistent approach.
However, the
Labour party do seem to have correctly identified David Cameron's
potential weakness — 36 % of people agree that David Cameron «flip - flops» and 63 % agree that «David Cameron talks a good line but it is hard to know whether there is any substance behind the words» — that includes 51 % of Tory
voters.
In this light, Corbyn is seen as a refreshing change, to all that spin, the real deal, in the traditional, Tony Benn, Old
Labour Party way, (apart from his
potential, Islington, Margaret Hodge kind of legacy), not the Hilary Benn, slippery fish, blarite, New
Labour nonsence, that
voters have now woken up to.
The set of issues so «unimportant on the doorstep» proved very important indeed for
voters in the polling booths.Even when Miliband goes though, it is not yet clear that any
potential successor has really escaped themindset of
Labour's last fifteen years.
A sign of
potential battle lines to come were demonstrated in Mrs May's speech this morning, in which she said
voters faced a choice between «strong» leadership under the Tories and
Labour «propped up» by other parties including the Liberal Democrats and the SNP.
Given that most Lib Dem
voters who might switch to
Labour have already jumped ship, these die - hard Cleggites provide the Tories with a similar reserve of
potential extra votes where it's a straight
Labour - Tory fight.
If the Conservatives need to worry about still being seen as a party that cares only for the rich,
Labour need to beware of
potential middle class
Labour voters seeing the party as one only for the dispossessed and poor.
Blue
Labour's relationship with working class populism: Blue
Labour has the
potential to gain support amongst white working class
voters who usually stay at home on election day, by articulating populist themes.
But regardless of talking to the far - right, Blue
Labour's
potential to engage working class
voters, and to be «on my side» is an obvious threat to the current Conservative leadership, which failed to attract «Essex man» - working class
voters who want to get on in life and live without fear of crime - sufficiently in 2010.