Sentences with phrase «president than a religious»

Personally I'd much rather have an Atheist president than a religious one (any religion).

Not exact matches

Will Bunch's CNN.com tirade earlier this week against television host Glenn Beck and David Barton - the founder and president of WallBuilders, a national pro-family organization that emphasizes history's «moral, religious and constitutional heritage» - for allegedly creating «pseudo history» reveals more about Mr. Bunch than it does about what Mr. Beck and Mr. Barton are presenting.

Afterward, at an event kicking off a lobbying day for more than 300 evangelical pastors on Capitol Hill, Richard Land, president of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission and a leader of Evangelical Immigration Table, said that anyone who says the bill provides amnesty needs «a course in remedial English.»

So... why are these people not saying what really needs to be said... some of these Presidents were no more than DEISTS and had no religious affiliation...

«What's at stake is the First Amendment right to religious liberty, and nothing goes to the heart of this civil liberty more than conscience rights,» said Bill Donohue, president of the Catholic League.

The majority of Americans want a president with strong religious convictions, though fewer than did so in the past, Pew found.

Those with any moral clarity at all have heard a better voice in this campaign: no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification, but the test of values and integrity, and a president who respects family and rights of faith is better than one who, like you, claims a religious label but then opposes family and faith.

As debate continues over President Obama's assertion about the religious nature (or lack thereof) of the Islamic State (ISIS) terrorist group, a new Pew Research Center study finds that more Americans across the board believe that Islam encourages violence more than other religions.

A majority of Americans say that President Barack Obama's religious beliefs are either somewhat different or very different than their own, a poll on religion and the recent elections found.

Werner Mark Linz, president of Seabury Press, identifies the challenge: «The center of serious religious thought seemed to collapse during the past decade, and nothing may be more important in the long run than rebuilding it.

Pastor Saeed, the Iranian - American Christian pastor who spent more than three years in Iranian prison for holding underground religious meetings in the country, took to Facebook to show a letter he recently received from President Obama.

Religious leaders that attended the meeting said the president spent more than an hour with them, and after making a few remarks at the top of the meeting he let each group discuss their priorities and problems with comprehensive immigration reform.

Romney says Obama infringing upon religious rights Mitt Romney accused President Barack Obama of infringing upon Americans» religious rights in a fiery address to more than 2,500 supporters Monday in Colorado.

The president gave the Religious Broadcasters a highly quantified report on the administration's efforts between August 2 and January 15 to avoid war: «more than 200 meetings with foreign dignitaries, ten diplomatic missions, over 103,000 miles traveled.»

That's higher than the majority who think that Cruz is religious and would make a good / great president (61 %), or Rubio (53 %), or Carson (50 %).

In general, Democratic voters seem less concerned with a candidate's faith life, though more who believed Clinton was religious were likely to think she would also be a good president (69 %) than those who didn't believe she was religious but would make a good leader (54 %).

Just as candidate Trump pledged to say «Merry Christmas» in his White House, rather than President Obama's tepid «Happy Holidays,» and just as he promised to choose an anti-Roe justice in the mold of Antonin Scalia, Trump's «We want God» assured religious voters that he would not apologize for his faith nor deny that it would play a role in his decision - making.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church aReligious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church areligious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church aReligious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

(Despite leaders criticizing certain policies on immigration and foreign aid, a third of evangelicals, more than any other religious demographic, «strongly approve» of Trump's job as president, according to the latest Politico / Morning Consult poll.

I had a theory that Washington was more religious than most people thought, but I was basing this only on his public, official statements as General and President.

We've received no fewer than three statements from New York Republicans today lambasting various Democrats — starting with President Barack Obama — for what state GOP Chairman Ed Cox deemed an «assault on religious freedom in America.»

Centennial, Colorado (CNN)- Mitt Romney accused President Barack Obama of infringing upon Americans» religious rights in a fiery address to more than 2,500 supporters Monday in Colorado.

Some Nigeria watchers in Washington are insisting that it should be former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who is considered to be a religious moderate as well as ethnically more of a unifier than a divider.

Persuasion «starts with the tenets of faith» more than with scientific data, said the Rev. Leith Anderson, president of the United States - based National Association of Evangelicals, noting that most of the world's population has some religious affiliation.