Le Pen is campaigning for a wholesale renegotiation of the EU's treaties, restoring
the primacy of national law, declawing the European Central Bank, ending free movement, and effectively killing the Single Market.
Not exact matches
I believe that thanks to the
national constitutional doctrines on the «conditional»
primacy of EU
law (on the «conditional supremacy»
of EU
law in the UK, see the post by Garner on this blog) as well as to the corresponding EU provisions — the constitutional identity clause in Article 4 (2) TEU and the authorisation to apply higher
national standards
of fundamental rights in Article 53 CFR —
national constitutional or apex courts can provide necessary checks and balances on the ECJ enormous judicial power.
We should see the occasional tug
of war between
national constitutional courts and the ECJ regarding the
primacy of national constitutional or EU
law not as a pathological condition but as a desirable, deliberative mechanisms aimed at balancing judicial power.
In my view, this saga illustrates a positive side to the «conditional» acceptance
of EU
law primacy by
national constitutional courts as the latter provide checks and balances on the ECJ's enormous judicial power.
In these three orders, the SCC concluded that the constitutional questions did not meet the relevance test because, under the principle
of primacy of EU
law, a
national provision that is found to be incompatible with EU
law must be displaced and can not be applied by the
national courts when deciding a case.
It did so to anticipate challenges to the
primacy of EU
law by
national constitutional courts and the Court therefore took great care in stressing the autonomous nature
of EU fundamental rights protection.
Second, I will explore whether the ECJ can still withdraw from its stance taken in Taricco I without opening the Pandora's box
of exceptions to the EU
law primacy: either due to
national constitutional identity (Article 4 (2) TEU) or higher
national standards
of fundamental rights» protection (Article 53
of the Charter
of Fundamental Rights).
In conclusion, one can state that the
primacy of EU
law, as interpreted by the ECJ inTaricco I ruling, does not conflict with
national fundamental human rights; indeed, like Italy, even the other EU Member States, together with individual human rights, protect fundamental social rights.
29 That said, where a court
of a Member State is called upon to review whether fundamental rights are complied with by a
national provision or measure which, in a situation where action
of the Member States is not entirely determined by European Union
law, implements the latter for the purposes
of Article 51 (1)
of the Charter,
national authorities and courts remain free to apply
national standards
of protection
of fundamental rights, provided that the level
of protection provided for by the Charter, as interpreted by the Court, and the
primacy, unity and effectiveness
of European Union
law are not thereby compromised (see, in relation to the latter aspect, Case C - 399 / 11 Melloni [2013] ECR I - 0000, paragraph 60).
Primacy, that is the precedence EU
law takes over any
national laws in cases
of conflict, is one
of the most fundamental aspects
of EU
law.
The essential characteristics
of the Community legal order which has thus been established are in particular its
primacy over the
law of the Member States and the direct effect
of a whole series
of provisions which are applicable to their
nationals and to the Member States themselves.»
As a result
of all the foregoing, the Labour Court concluded that, given the
primacy of EU
law over provisions
of national law, the
national judge is obliged not to apply the new fees.
In conclusion, one can state that the
primacy of EU
law, as interpreted by the ECJ, does not conflict with
national fundamental rights.
It is true that Article 6 (3) refers to the constitutional traditions that are common (emphasis added) to the Member States; however, the reference to this characteristic should not prevent to inject a certain degree
of pluralism in the notion
of constitutional tradition (s), as the ICC has suggested, that makes it possible to reconcile a higher standard
of protection entrenched in the
national Constitution and the
primacy of EU
law.
Only a few days after the Court
of Justice
of the European Union buried the hatchet in the so - called Taricco saga, the Italian Constitutional Court issued a decision that may inaugurate the most significant shift
of its jurisprudence in European affairs since 1984, when the Constitutional Court fully accepted the principle
of primacy of EU
law and blessed the disapplication
of national legislation incompatible with EU
law.
It is true that immediately thereafter the ECJ makes reference to Melloni, by clarifying that «in that respect, the
national authorities and courts remain free to apply
national standards
of protection
of fundamental rights, provided that the level
of protection provided for by the Charter, as interpreted by the Court, and the
primacy, unity and effectiveness
of EU
law are not thereby compromised».
From his viewpoint, this cooperation is the right way «to move the whole debate [about the relationship between the ECJ and
national constitutional courts] forward», which is «actually more important» than these conceptual questions [about the scope
of primacy of EU
law] that are really only
of interest to professors at universities» but that «do not make much
of a difference in actual practice».