Sentences with phrase «psychological outcomes experienced»

Not exact matches

Whereas physiological psychology assumes that experiences are the outcome of physiological events (physiology comes first), psychological physiology assumes that physiological events are the outcome of experiences (psychology comes first).1

undesired outcomes of birth for women came to consist of a bad experience and psychological damage from missed bonding opportunities

``... As childbearing became safer and more benign visions of nature arose, undesired outcomes of birth for women came to consist of a bad experience and psychological damage from missed bonding opportunities.

J. M. Green et al., «Expectations, Experiences, and Psychological Outcomes of Childbirth: A Prospective Study of 825 Women,» Birth 17, no. 1 (1990): 15 — 24.

Mothers reported more symptoms of psychological distress24, 25 and low self - efficacy.26, 27 And, although mothers report more depressive symptoms at the time their infants are experiencing colic, 28,29 research on maternal depression 3 months after the remittance of infant colic is mixed.30, 31 The distress mothers of colic infants report may arise out of their difficulties in soothing their infants as well as within their everyday dyadic interactions.32 The few studies to date that have examined the long - term consequences of having a colicky child, however, indicate that there are no negative outcomes for parent behaviour and, importantly, for the parent - child relationship.

Expectations, experiences, and psychological outcomes of childbirth: A prospective study of 825 women.

Led by Joke Bradt, PhD, associate professor in Drexel University's College of Nursing and Health Professions, a team looked into studies that examined the impact of music therapy (a personalized music experience offered by trained music therapists) and music medicine (listening to pre-recorded music provided by a doctor or nurse) on psychological and physical outcomes in people with cancer.

Seligman's work suggests a more sophisticated model of psychological health: «The dynamic between people's cultural context, experience, predisposition, and physiological constitutions determines the outcomes they will experience.

When people experience post-traumatic growth, the psychological struggle following trauma doesn't have a negative outcome.

«Given the transactional nature of the regulation of interrelated biological systems, and our findings of associations between flatter DCS (lower morning peak in cortisol and / or higher even cortisol levels) and multiple health outcomes, it seems plausible that reciprocal and cascading interactions among clock gene mechanisms, sleep, cortisol, inflammation, fatigue, appetite, behavior, and social and psychological experiences jointly contribute to the observed associations between flatter DCS and multiple types of negative health outcomes.»

Promisingly, researchers have found that it is possible to orient students toward positive learning mindsets through low - cost interventions, including online programs that teach students about growth mindsets and purpose.29 According to Carol Dweck and her colleagues, ``... educational interventions and initiatives that target these psychological factors can have transformative effects on students» experience and achievement in school, improving core academic outcomes such as GPA and test scores months and even years later.»

According to this model, experiencing childhood trauma does not necessarily guarantee a negative health outcome in adulthood (e.g., being exposed to childhood psychological abuse does not, in itself, lead to adult stroke).

Felitti and colleagues1 first described ACEs and defined it as exposure to psychological, physical or sexual abuse, and household dysfunction including substance abuse (problem drinking / alcoholic and / or street drugs), mental illness, a mother treated violently and criminal behaviour in the household.1 Along with the initial ACE study, other studies have characterised ACEs as neglect, parental separation, loss of family members or friends, long - term financial adversity and witness to violence.2 3 From the original cohort of 9508 American adults, more than half of respondents (52 %) experienced at least one adverse childhood event.1 Since the original cohort, ACE exposures have been investigated globally revealing comparable prevalence to the original cohort.4 5 More recently in 2014, a survey of 4000 American children found that 60.8 % of children had at least one form of direct experience of violence, crime or abuse.6 The ACE study precipitated interest in the health conditions of adults maltreated as children as it revealed links to chronic diseases such as obesity, autoimmune diseases, heart, lung and liver diseases, and cancer in adulthood.1 Since then, further evidence has revealed relationships between ACEs and physical and mental health outcomes, such as increased risk of substance abuse, suicide and premature mortality.4 7

The strongest evidence in relation to impairment is for improving the psychological functioning of children who have experienced sexual abuse where CBT appears to improve outcomes for children showing signs of PTSD, and for a small number of child - focused therapies for children who have experienced neglect.

So far, consistent psychological outcomes have been reported in the literature for children and adolescents regardless of their different experiences, backgrounds and cultures.

Researchers looked at various Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE's include (a) psychological abuse, (b) physical abuse, (c) sexual abuse, (d) substance abuse by a household family member, (e) mental illness of a household family member, (f) spousal or partner violence, and (g) criminal behaviour resulting in the incarceration of a household member) and how they are related to adulthood health risk behaviours and disease outcome.

Children raised in families that experience multiple transitions do not consistently have higher levels of behavioral problems or lower test scores than do children in family types with one or fewer transitions, even when only child characteristics are controlled... Finally, maternal psychological well - being is shown to be an important mechanism by which family structure affects behavioral outcomes, but not cognitive ones.»

This paper explores whether the impacts of the SHM program on marital quality and stability outcomes differ according to six additional subgroup - defining characteristics at the 12 - and 30 - month follow - up points: (1) length of marriage at study entry, (2) experience of abuse or neglect in the family of origin, (3) psychological distress at study entry, (4) whether the extended family respects and values the couple's marriage, (5) presence of a stepchild in the household, and (6) presence of a young child (under 3) in the household.

However, analysis has also indicated that the experience of living in a lone parent family in early childhood (under the age of 5), compared with later childhood, is especially linked with long - term negative outcomes including psychological distress and economic inactivity (Ermisch et al., 2004).

Adverse preadoption experiences and psychological outcomes.

Compared to children of married parents, those with cohabiting parents are more likely to experience the breakup of their families, be exposed to «complex» family forms, live in poverty, suffer abuse, and have negative psychological and educational outcomes.

Although less is known about the consequences of domestic violence for male victims, there is evidence that men who are abused experience the same constellation of physical and psychological outcomes as their female counterparts (for reviews, see Dutton, 2007; Hines & Malley - Morrison, 2005).

In addition to physical injury and trauma, victims of domestic violence experience a number of serious and adverse psychological outcomes.

The primary constructs within the hypothesized framework are: (1) social position variables — characteristics that are used within societies to hierarchically stratify groups (race, gender, socioeconomic status); (2) parenting variables — familial mechanisms that may influence African American adolescents well - being, perceptions of competence, and attitudes towards others in various contexts (e.g., parenting practices and racial socialization messages); (3) racial discrimination — negative racially driven experiences that may influence feelings of competence, belongingness, and self - worth; (4) environmental / contextual factors — settings and surroundings that may impede or promote healthy identity development (e.g., academic settings); and (5) learner characteristics — individual characteristics that may promote or hinder positive psychological adjustment outcomes (e.g., racial identity, coping styles).

The strengths of the current study are the large sample size, the overall high participation rate, the use of validated headache outcomes and the assessment of the impact of a range of commonly experienced types of interpersonal violence, loneliness, psychological distress, and family cohesion within a population - based cohort of adolescents.

Broadening our approach to understanding adaptive coping and management of emotional challenges may be of particular relevance to the development of psychological support for this patient group because of the uncertain outcome (i.e. whether resolution will ever be achieved through parenthood) and given the evidence that some couples manage to find positive outcomes in a traditionally negative infertility experience.

As a result, it is not known whether such experiences, which appear to be relatively common, impact psychological adjustment outcomes.