Indeed, two different Attorney Generals of that province and at least four Family Court (Queens Bench) justices have commented and argued in
public court cases that a married woman may also have same time conjugal unions.
I have experienced my own share of violent threats for being a woman online: one needn't exercise much speculation to understand why these women would shy away from
public court cases or lawsuits or accusations.
Not exact matches
The Supreme
Court on Monday agreed to hear an important business
case that could change the way
public information gets broadcast online.
At the opening of the trial in Rome, the U.S. investment bank the other defendants asked a three - judge panel at the
Court of Accounts, which rules on abuses of
public funds, to reject the
case in an acknowledgement that the judges do not have jurisdiction, Marco Fratini, one of the judges, said.
The Air Force
Court of Appeals in May 2017 also reversed a conviction in the sexual assault
case U.S. v. Boyce after finding that
public statements by Sens. Claire McCaskill and Kirsten Gillibrand regarding the «Marines United» scandal earlier this year created «the appearance of unlawful command influence» in the
case, as retired Col. Don Christensen, a former Air Force chief prosecutor and current president of the advocacy group Protect Our Defenders, told Task & Purpose at the time.
In the
case, National Cable & Telecommunications Association v. Brand X Internet Services, the High
Court ruled that ISPs are information services, as the FCC had defined them at the time, and not
public utilities.
In 1981, the United States Supreme
Court held in a
case named Plyler v. Doe that states must provide
public education to undocumented alien children to the same extent they provide
public education to citizens.
Lower
courts let stand previous
case law that allow
public unions to do so.
«The
court is going to decide this
case based on the economic realities of the video distribution and content markets and not on President Trump's
public battle with CNN.»
The U.S. has strict laws that punish misrepresenting the truth about people in
public forums, but a new
case before the Supreme
Court could make even presenting innocuous, but mistaken information a punitive offense.
Meanwhile, other big digital newcomers to the media scene, including BuzzFeed and Business Insider, have also been slow to take up the
public interest banner long carried by the likes of the New York Times and the Press - Enterprise (a small California paper that, as Liptak explained, took two free speech
cases all the way to the Supreme
Court in the 1980s).
Huma Abedin and Anthony Weiner withdrew their divorce
case from
court on Wednesday, agreeing to private negotiations in order to spare their 6 - year - old son further
public embarrassment, the New York Daily News reported Wednesday.
Here's something you may not know about
court cases: There are often people in the
public gallery who are paid to closely watch the members of the jury to see how they react to different witnesses.
The original complaint, which had been a fairly straightforward matter of Citi's allegedly misleading its customers into buying mortgage securities, has morphed into a
public spectacle in which both the SEC and Citi now stand accused of failing to provide relevant disclosures (in the
case of the SEC, to the
court and the
public).
The Liberals are unlikely to make any final decision on drug testing until the Supreme
Court of Canada rules on its legality in a
case between Suncor and workers at its Alberta oil sands operation, said Troy Winters, senior health and safety officer with the Canadian Union of
Public Employees.
«Since the Heller
case, the next great question for the Supreme
Court to decide was whether there is a right to carry guns in
public,» Winkler told the AP.
After the decision, the Baltimore office of the
public defender began reviewing hundreds of
cases which hinged on StingRay technology, all of which could potentially be challenged as a result of the Maryland
court ruling.
He said their attempts to move the
case from the state
court in Los Angeles where Daniels filed her claim to a federal
court is because it would increase the chances that the matter will be decided in private arbitration, «thus hiding the truth from the
public.»
If any of the
court cases against Kinder Morgan land in our favour, the
public will need to mobilize quickly to force governments to respect the decision.
He said their attempts to move the
case from the state
court in Los Angeles where Daniels filed her claim to a federal
court is because that would increase the chances the matter be decided in private arbitration, «thus hiding the truth from the
public.»
And even if Canadian
courts ultimately deem such probing too onerous within the rubric of «reasonableness» review, such details can provide fodder for
public commentary that can undermine the government's position in the
court of
public opinion (regarding the economic
case for increased oil sands production, for example, see University of Alberta Professor Andrew Leach's commentary here).
In any
case, Giuliani's admission is more evidence that as Robert Mueller's team closes in on the Oval Office, Trump has decided to double down on litigating the president's scandals in the
court of
public opinion.
The
Public Accounts / Budget include provisions with respect to certain liabilities, such as environmental liabilities, potential losses resulting from
court cases, potential losses on loans and loan guarantees, etc. even though no cash payments have been made.
One need not be a historian of education or a theologian to assess the damage done to
public education and then to society in general by how these
cases were decided and what
public school officials were empowered to do (or so they believed) despite the clearly given cautions from the Supreme
Court itself.
For instance, in a colorful
case involving a city ordinance restricting the practice of animal sacrifice, the
Court severely criticized officials for acting out of animosity towards the Santeria religion, which engages in the ritualistic slaughter of pigeons, goats, and turtles (among other animals) and at least sometimes leaves the carcasses along roadsides and in other
public places.
Today, the Supreme
Court finally weighed in on the hotly debated Town of Greece VS. Galloway
case, determining that
public meetings can start with «religion specific - prayer» (i.e. «In Jesus» name...»).
After March 4, 2013, an International Arrest Warrant will be issued against these Defendants.The guilty verdict followed nearly a month of deliberations by more than thirty sworn Citizen Jurors of the 150
case exhibits produced by
Court Prosecutors, The
Court's judgement declares the wealth and property of the churches responsible for the Canadian genocide to be forfeited and placed under
public ownership, as reparations for the families of the more than 50,000 children who died in the residential schools.To enforce its sentence, the
Court has empowered citizens in Canada, the United States, England, Italy and a dozen other nations to act as its legal agents armed with warrants, and peacefully occupy and seize properties of the Roman Catholic, Anglican and United Church of Canada, which are the main agents in the deaths of these children
This kind of thread is important because it is freeing, it shines light, it makes that which is already
public (
court cases, conferences, etc.) into a really open discussion that really does matter.
The high
court has generally taken a
case - by -
case approach on determining just when the state intrudes unconstitutionally into religion, while generally allowing faith to be acknowledged in a limited basis in
public forums.
For the present, the Supreme
Court decision in the McCollum
case of 1948 interposes barriers, but this need not be final.13 In the meantime, the churches should seize every opportunity to give weekday religious instruction on released time outside the
public schools.
In the celebrated
case New York Times v. Sullivan, the U.S. Supreme
Court held «the First Amendment protects the publication of all statements, even false ones, about the conduct of
public officials except when statements are made with actual malice (with knowledge that they are false or in reckless disregard of their truth or falsity).»
Professor Behe's arguments were absolutely destroyed on
public record in the Kansas evolution
court case.
What began as a quite protest in his Philadelphia high school became Supreme
Court case Abington v. Schempp, which declared Bible readings and prayer in
public schools unconstitutional.
Washington (CNN)- A dispute over
public prayers at town board meetings will be taken up by the Supreme
Court in coming months, another contentious
case over the intersection of faith and the
public arena.
The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty filed a brief in both marriage
cases now pending in the Supreme
Court, arguing that the
Court should not interfere with democratic legislative processes in this field, because only such processes can result in
public policies that will prevent church - state conflict in the future.
A second blow to the revolving door system came in 1966 when the Federal
Court of Appeals ruled, in effect, in the Driver and Easter
cases, that
public intoxication per se is not a crime.
In reflecting upon Vashti McCollum's death, J. Brent Walker, executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty, told the CENTURY: «The 1948
case that bears her name set the tone for the Supreme
Court's view on the proper relationship between church and state in
public schools.»
Readers familiar with the American
case law will recognize this as a version of the «endorsement test» our own
courts use to evaluate the constitutionality of
public nativity scenes.
The following definition of atheism was given to the Supreme
Court of the United States in the
case of Murray v. Curlett, 374 U.S. 203, 83 S. Ct. 1560, 10 L.Ed.2 d (MD, 1963), to remove reverential Bible reading and oral unison recitation of the Lord's Prayer in the
public schools:
Highly publicized reactions to science and social science on the part of religious conservatives, as evidenced by lawsuits concerning the teaching of evolution in
public schools and
court cases challenging the influence of «secular humanism» on school textbooks, suggest that Habermas's forces of «secular rationality» have by no means carried the day.
Known as the «X
case,» the decision sparked an ongoing debate about how to interpret the legislative mandate from the
court, with successive governments reluctant to touch the issue for fear of upsetting the
public.
The
case against Musa has not yet been finalized, said Mohammad Najim Hamidi, director of
public security at Zone 3 of the Kabul
courts.
Central to this drama are two Supreme
Court cases: Engle v. Vitale (1962), in which the
Court decided that government - directed prayer in
public schools was an unconstitutional violation of the First Amendment's establishment clause; and Abington v. Schempp (1963), which declared unconstitutional a Pennsylvania statute that provided for compulsory Bible reading in
public classrooms.
It is one thing for
courts to remind us that the government may not promote Christian tenets, as it did when it forbade the recitation of the Lord's Prayer in
public schools in the Schempp
case (1963).
Justice David Souter, for example, observed in one of the Supreme
Court's recent Ten Commandments
cases that «we are centuries away from the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre and the treatment of heretics in early Massachusetts, but the divisiveness of religion in current
public life is inescapable.»
With the recent Supreme
Court ruling in the
case of Allegheny County v. ACLU, I believe a new and exciting chapter in the church - state debate may be evolving around Jewish attempts in Pittsburgh and other places to legitimate the display of Jewish religious symbols in the
public square.
Implicit in the doctrine of church - state separation that the Supreme
Court enforced in this
case is the assumption that religious symbols such as the yarmulke, while appropriate for private religious devotion in home or synagogue, have no legitimate place in any
public institution.
While
court cases over
public menorot grab headlines, the deeper and more widespread church - state concerns of American Jews involve the place of religion in
public schools.
Twenty years ago, when I wrote the amicus curiae brief for the National Jewish Commission on Law and
Public Affairs (COLPA) in the Supreme
Court in Lemon v. Kurtzman — the landmark
case on aid to parochial schools — I truly believed we could win.
I do not think he is corrupt (at the moment) but from my point of view it certainly looks like bias.Also I doubt he would want to take the point many people are making (that he cheated) into a
court and open what would be a very
public discussion.Irrespective of the result the ramifications of such a
case would be far reaching indeed and would maybe result in a fair system where footballers and not referees affect the outcome of football matches.