Not exact matches
Combine that with
public - sector salary disclosure
laws and workers who report their earnings anonymously to online databases compiled by Glassdoor.com and Monster's Salary Wizard, and it starts to
seem like the paycheque is becoming less of a secret than it once was.
Alex Whiting, a former federal prosecutor who is now a professor at Harvard
Law School, said he found it «striking» that «Mueller
seems to be preparing the report with an expectation that it will eventually become
public.»
If the financial connection to China, a country whose government typically opposes transparency and political dissent,
seems problematic, Hwang isn't concerned: «If anything, we are informing the
public about upcoming changes in
laws as well as the decision makers behind it, emboldening affected parties to act up and speak up if necessary,» he said.
With my limited understanding of cyber currency, it
seems as though it will always have a
public relations problem as the preferred ransom payment for those operating outside the
law.
It
seems like an invitation for US companies to be sued by the US Securities & Exchange Commission for violating Regulation FD,» says Jonathan Macey, a professor of corporate
law at Yale University, referring to an SEC rule that requires
public corporations to inform the market of material statements — and forbids selective disclosure.
Gender ideology
seemed a ridiculous and improbable threat when I first considered its claims of male brains trapped in female bodies, but its rapid ascendancy in
law and
public opinion has made the term «transgender» a household word.
It is easy to see why that
seems like the right tool: Free exercise jurisprudence has frequently involved the crafting of prudential exemptions and accommodations — precisely the carving out of spaces — that could allow religious believers to act on their convictions even in the face of contrary
public sentiments or (up to a point)
public laws.
Experience, however, soon showed in what way they were to become the most dangerous; that the insufficiency of the means provided for their removal gave them a freehold and irresponsibility in office; that their decisions,
seeming to concern individual suitors only, pass silent and unheeded by the
public at large; that these decisions, nevertheless, become
law by precedent, sapping, by little and little, the foundations of the consti.tution, and working its change by construction, before any one has perceived that that invisible and helpless worm has been busily employed in consuming its substance.
The reform of canon
law is still far away... in short, there is nothing like a new Pentecost to be noticed, but rather quarrels and alienation among Catholics themselves, new unsolved questions in theology as well as in Christian living on which we had
seemed to be agreed before the Council, the continuing silent apostasy of the masses, the rejection of faith, Christian morality and conviction in
public life.
And the
laws that forbid all manner of discrimination
seem to emanate from a disinterested
public «ethic,» suitably cleansed of any sectarian shading.
To a society sold on the primacy of individual rights
law and on laissez faire economics, the effort to philosophize about a common culture, let alone to develop a
public theology, can
seem not only strange but vaguely offensive.
It
seems, moreover, on the basis of
public opinion polls, that this challenge is already accepted by a majority of our fellow citizens and thus the question of its establishment as a matter of
law has not provoked a debate worthy of the momentous issues at stake.
And it
seems that Arizona state
law contains a similar prohibition on
public accomodations discrimination.
The writer of the local
law, Frank Commisso, already
seems to disagree with what he wrote after hearing from dozens of people in opposition to it at a
public hearing on Tuesday night.
NYPD Commissioner James O'Neill said comments Trump made during his visit to Long Island, which
seemed to encourage officers to use force when arresting people, were «irresponsible, unprofessional and sends the wrong message to
law enforcement as well as the
public.»
With seven session days left until June 21, it
seems unlikely for now that an overhaul of campaign finance
laws, with a
public matching system for political campaigns would be in the final mix.
Gov. Perry indicted on felony charges for abusing the powers of his office by carrying out a threat to veto funding for state prosecutors, investigating
public corruption and Gov. Cuomo who could ultimately be indicted for obstruction of justice down the road,
seem to both have a disdain for working within the
law.
In combination with other provisions on financial disclosure and restrictions on legal aid, this bill
seems designed to end the role of the third sector in
public law litigation.
Businesses are questioning the legality of Gov. Andrew Cuomo's policy to direct 30 percent of
public contracts to women - and minority - owned businesses, pointing out that agencies
seem to have skipped conducting studies that are required by
law.
Co-editor David
Laws proudly says in
public that the book was as much about talent - spotting as it was policy, and that
seems to have been borne out.
In a culture in which it can almost
seem eccentric not to be «of counsel» to a major
law firm that represents clients with state business, say, or to have a beef with the practice of steering pork, tax breaks or other
public benefit to political donors, this sets significant precedent.
The
seeming implication by Breslin's camp is that Martland, an Albany High School graduate who left the Capital Region for Princeton University and Brooklyn
Law School and spent more than two decades as a prosecutor and lawyer in the
public and private sector downstate, is an outsider.
It
seems the police, operating on their own initiative, decided that the Tory frontbencher had allegedly broken the
law for «aiding, abetting, counselling or procuring misconduct in
public office».
Bill Mahoney, research coordinator for the New York
Public Interest Research Group, said that while the spending
seems to violate election
law, it's not a major infraction.
There are too many Labour politicians (step forward, Ed) who are indistinguishable from Lib Dems or Conservatives (or Greens or the SNP or Plaid Cymru) in that they have never had a job outside politics or the media or practising
law, and hardly any Labour MPs have had manual jobs or office / secretarial jobs... this disconnect has meant that politics at national and local level
seems simply to be the
public arm of yet another middle class «profession».
«For the purposes of Your Lordship's record and because of the
public interest that this case
seems to unnecessarily attract, our proposal was made in accordance with established
laws and there is no fixation on Section 270 of the ACJA.
Still other topics under discussion also
seem totally unrelated to a budget plan, including easing of the state's drug
laws to lessen penalties for
public possession of small amounts of marijuana.
These devices engage the curiosity of the
public, usually because they
seem to mysteriously contravene some
law of nature.
«The emphasis and tone have moved far away from the conservation and recovery of an endangered species and
seems to be preparing the
public for its eventual extinction in the wild,» says Sierra Weaver, an attorney with the Southern Environmental
Law Center in Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
The philosopher Stanley Fish has written that the way the film alters the real - life Northup's memoirs, cutting out the process by which Northup's freedom was made a
public crusade and presenting it instead as a surprise, «is so abrupt and so quickly achieved that it is made to
seem miraculous and the audience is not invited to generalize from it to any optimistic conclusion about the merits of the liberal state informed by the rule of
law.»
In the end these criminals name their price for their part in preserving the American dream, which in this case
seems to be the right to recklessly drive fast cars, steal exorbitant amounts of money and hold the
law - abiding
public hostage with their demands.
When Willoughby learns of the billboards, he blows a gasket, and it
seems clear where the movie is headed: to a battle between the police and Mildred, the aggrieved citizen who has taken the
law — or, at least, the power of
public shame and coercion — into her own hands.
Strong unions are more successful than weaker ones in opposing liberal charter legislation, but once a charter
law is adopted, it
seems that parents see charters as an avenue for reform in districts where unions have a strong hold on traditional
public schools.
«The
public perception,» says Stanford professor Tom Dee who has researched the
law, «
seems to be that No Child Left Behind has failed, but the available research evidence suggests it led to meaningful — but not transformational — changes in school performance.»
32 The New Hampshire Supreme Court likewise rejected the standing of petitioners challenging the state's scholarship tax credit
law, ruling that they could not demonstrate any harm.33 The following year, citing the decisions in Arizona and New Hampshire, the Alabama Supreme Court also held that a «tax credit to a parent or a corporation... can not be construed as an «appropriation»» but rather such funds retain their status as private funds until they enter the
public treasury.34 That view
seems to be the prevailing one in courts, so with the possible exception of Michigan, where the state constitution explicitly prohibits tax benefits for religious education, tax credits should survive scrutiny under such provisions.
Since Parent Revolution created the parent trigger — state Sen. Gloria Romero sponsored the actual
law, the Parent Empowerment Act * — it
seems likely that the omission of mandatory
public hearings was strategic rather than based on cost.
Law, not tech, has always been the single biggest barrier to autonomous vehicles gaining approval for use on
public roads, but it
seems that even that hurdle has been at least partially removed.
Pardon while I retch recalling Republican derision of suggestions ranging from those of George Washington to Hillary Clinton that the US needs its own university devoted to maintaining standards of competence for US
public officials, particularly administrative appointees, who often
seem to lack even a basic understanding of the
laws governing municipal basics like utilities.
Given that elected or appointed
Public Utility Commissions approve most new plants and must by
law control consumer electricity costs, it
seems likely that the market will choose natural gas.
[13] The majority, it
seems, is not prepared to accept the complete outsourcing of the
public law function of regulatory bodies to private entrepreneurial lawyers.
«But in this information age, private control over the distribution of
public case
law seems anachronistic.
We don't really understand why the general
public and media don't
seem to care, even when we turn on the talking heads, even when we spell out with orderly, exhaustive clarity just how important the
law is.
The suggestion
seems radical because courts sometimes tend to treat
public law remedies as rather inflexible.
He contends convincingly that the consolidation of the Union's role in criminal
law only makes the «need for an all - out criminal
law policy... more acute than before» (page 59) and highlights six fundamental principles that the EU needs to address in order to clarify and legitimise further its action in the field; among the six, the call to pay attention to the principle of ultima ratio, coherence, subsidiarity and the requirement of a legitimate purpose
seem particularly pertinent also in regard to the current debate concerning the establishment of the European
Public Prosecutor.
It
seems you can't go a day without reading about how
law school enrollment is plummeting, big
law firms are imploding, lawyers are flaming out faster than 4th of July fireworks, and the profession, once regarded as something to aspire to, now ranks, in the
public's imagination, somewhere between human bug - eater and professional sociopath in terms of status.
«There
seems to me to be room to question whether the ordinary rules of client privilege, appropriate enough in other circumstances, should apply to a
law officer's opinion on the lawfulness of war; it is not unrealistic in my view to regard the
public, those who are to fight and perhaps die, rather than the government, as the client.»
The High Court judge, Mr Justice Francis, said that Parliament can not have intended for legal aid not to be available in such cases: «However, it does
seem to me that when Parliament changed the
law in relation to legal aid and significantly restricted the availability of legal aid, yet continued to make legal aid available in care cases where the state is seeking orders against parents, it can not have intended that parents in the position that these parents have been in should have no access to legal advice or representation... I am aware that there are many parents around the country in similar positions where their cases have been less
public and where they have had to struggle to represent themselves.
It
seems clear that the
public debate about prostitution and other sex work will continue, and opinions and the
law will evolve.
Maybe I'm slow, but it
seems to me that the Open Access movement and IP
Law bloggers have remained mostly unconnected in
public fora.
At present, the bulk of
public services
seem to me to be delivered at one of three points in people's involvement with the
law: general
public legal information delivered through seminars, workshops and pamphlets to people who are idly grazing for legal information or helping a friend; narrowly - focused legal information, advice and representation delivered to individuals at the moment of crisis, often following separation, a threat to take the children or service of process; or, detailed, concrete legal information and advice delivered to individuals who are well engaged in a proceeding, usually unrepresented by counsel, and are seeking details about specific issues, such as making or replying to an application, demanding or making disclosure or preparing for trial.