Sentences with phrase «public moral cultures»

The brutalities of the Chinese regime have also had a toxic effect on China's public moral culture, as was demonstrated last year in a widely - viewed YouTube video: a truck driver in a Chinese city ran over a small child who was crawling across the street, stopped» and then ran over the child again, as if the toddler were so much road - kill.

That requires the rebuilding of our public moral culture.

Not exact matches

Yet shortly after the council, the high culture of the West took a sharp turn toward an aggressive and hegemonic secularism that now manifests itself as Christophobia: a deep hostility to gospel truth (especially moral truth) and a determination to drive Christians who affirm those truths out of public life and into a privatized existence on the margins of society.

It's a stab at law, culture, morals and public policy.

«Culture is «a study of perfection» which «moves by the force, not merely or primarily of the scientific passion for public knowledge, but also of the moral and social passion for doing good.»

«He is responding to general struggles in our culture and a moral decline that has existed through his public ministry.»

I choose four topics: nature, education, culture and law as relevant to framing moral concerns and public policy.

obligation in relation to each public moral issue as it arises; a word of the retrieval of the culture's most creative ideals and institutions; a world of judgment on the culture's present and potential sins; a word of forgiveness whenever it is repentant; a word of promise and so of confidence (in God, if not in itself) for the future.

the shift has been away from Freudian, Rogerian and Nietzschean values, especially individualistic selfactualization and narcissistic self - expression, and toward engendering durable habits of moral excellence and covenant community; methodologically away from modern culture - bound individuated experience and toward the shared public texts of Scripture and ecumenical tradition; politically away from trust in regulatory power and rationalistic planning to historical reasoning and a relatively greater critical trust in the responsible free interplay of interests in the marketplace of goods and ideas.

Churchgoers have grown increasingly concerned about the secularization of culture and the moral, vacuum in public life, and many seek solutions in the reChristianizing of education.

Yet many public spokesmen for the religious right now tell Evangelicals — including Evangelical women who have spent their lives teaching Evangelical girls and young women to resist the sexualization of their identity and worth in a hook - up culture, and Evangelical men who learned at Promise Keepers rallies that racial reconciliation is a moral imperative — to «grow up,» to stop being «panty - waists.»

French Catholics and Russian Jews and Dutch Protestants could teach morals and values wholly unembarrassed by the fact that the general public might not agree with every emphasis and particular, and therefore they were able to form coherent moral personalities in a way that a diverse and open civic culture can not and should not even attempt.

To insist that we can not include their religion among the other criteria used to judge political candidates is inseparable from claiming that religion is irrelevant to the moral and intellectual quality of our public life and culture.

While it may seek (in its sincere expressions) only neutrality toward religion, strict separationism in fact evidences a certain hostility toward religion — the effect of which is to deprive society of necessary moral and spiritual resources, to misinterpret and misrepresent the history of our culture, and to provoke anger and resentment among those who never consented to make our public life a «secular» enterprise.

Reduced to essentials, Shaw's contention is that Hecker and those of his «Americanist» cast of mind did represent an assimilationist current in U.S. Catholic thought — a tendency to bend over backwards to «fit into» American culture — that eventually made possible Ted Kennedy, Barbara Mikulski, Nancy Pelosi, and Joe Biden: cradle - Catholic politicians who support public policies that flatly contradict basic moral truths taught by the Church on the basis of reason and revelation, justify their votes in the name of «democracy» and «pluralism,» and are supported by a lot of fellow - Catholics in doing so.

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Some of the artists mine popular culture to produce scathing or defamatory indictments of consumer mores; others take the moral corruptions of public and political acts as their defamed subject; and others practice détournement — using elements of well - known media to create new work with a different or opposing message — to elevate injury and injustice into the realm of high art.

In a culture too often dominated by expediency and self - interest, I came to view climate scientists as visionaries and altruists, flawed and flummoxed like all such people who are suddenly called by forces outside themselves to excel themselves, fighting not just their own reluctance to become publicly involved, and their own ill - adaption to public and activist lives, but, ultimately, fighting for the truth in the face of falsehood, not just because truth matters in some abstract or even in moral terms, but because the fate of the Earth itself, and all who live here, is ever more obviously at stake.

We explore the ethics of climate engineering through four lenses: legal protection of human rights, public policy, theology and moral action, and culture as ethical inquiry.