Sentences with phrase «public moral reason»

Not exact matches

Can a politics detached from moral reason give reasons why toleration, civility, and persuasion are superior to coercion in doing the public business?

This scheme allows that the rule of God in the public orders is not primarily in the hands of believers but is communicated to all persons through the natural orders and can be grasped through conscience and moral reason.

If Wallis's opposition is truly principled (or «prophetic») then we can expect Wallis and the Sojourners crowd to offer up a reasoned and articulate public argument for the moral wrongness of including this particular «health care procedure.»

That is one of the reasons his work remains so amazingly relevant to the present moment, since we do not really know how to foster moral excellence through the institutions of our public and collective life.

the shift has been away from Freudian, Rogerian and Nietzschean values, especially individualistic selfactualization and narcissistic self - expression, and toward engendering durable habits of moral excellence and covenant community; methodologically away from modern culture - bound individuated experience and toward the shared public texts of Scripture and ecumenical tradition; politically away from trust in regulatory power and rationalistic planning to historical reasoning and a relatively greater critical trust in the responsible free interplay of interests in the marketplace of goods and ideas.

Meanwhile, the bad guys reason that the best way to take over a planet is to corrupt its inhabitants» morals and destroy their family structures: «You can easily brainwash the public through the media... drugs, alcohol, promiscuity can be glorified in music, movies, and TV....

There is the alternative that, to his credit, has been attempted by Governor Cuomo, namely, to make a reasoned public case for the compatibility of his moral convictions and his political position on abortion.

This kind of reasoned, argued, exemplified and Bible - supported moral illumination — not electioneering and lobbying — is what American public life needs from religion.

Among them were pantheism and the positions that human reason is the sole arbiter of truth and falsehood and good and evil; that Christian faith contradicts reason; that Christ is a myth; that philosophy must be treated without reference to supernatural revelation; that every man is free to embrace the religion which, guided by the light of reason, he believes to be true; that Protestantism is another form of the Christian religion in which it is possible to be as pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church; that the civil power can determine the limits within which the Catholic Church may exercise authority; that Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have erred in defining matters of faith and morals; that the Church does not have direct or indirect temporal power or the right to invoke force; that in a conflict between Church and State the civil law should prevail; that the civil power has the right to appoint and depose bishops; that the entire direction of public schools in which the youth of Christian states are educated must be by the civil power; that the Church should be separated from the State and the State from the Church; that moral laws do not need divine sanction; that it is permissible to rebel against legitimate princes; that a civil contract may among Christians constitute true marriage; that the Catholic religion should no longer be the religion of the State to the exclusion of all other forms of worship; and «that the Roman Pontiff can and should reconcile himself to and agree with progress, liberalism and modern civilization.»

In his response to the many fine commentaries on the twentieth anniversary of the publication of The Naked Public Square (November 2004), Richard John Neuhaus states that he would now write less about «transcendence» and more about the human capacity for reason, including moral reason.

Permit me to propose as a nonthreatening, not overtly religious formula for addressing questions of moral reason in the public square the term «the received moral wisdom of the American people.»

Reduced to essentials, Shaw's contention is that Hecker and those of his «Americanist» cast of mind did represent an assimilationist current in U.S. Catholic thought — a tendency to bend over backwards to «fit into» American culture — that eventually made possible Ted Kennedy, Barbara Mikulski, Nancy Pelosi, and Joe Biden: cradle - Catholic politicians who support public policies that flatly contradict basic moral truths taught by the Church on the basis of reason and revelation, justify their votes in the name of «democracy» and «pluralism,» and are supported by a lot of fellow - Catholics in doing so.

Granted, the fabulous standardized test scores of those high - performing charter networks who take on this special ed challenge may not be as uniformly high — at least in the short term, but when one in every twenty public school students now attends a charter, the movement is mature and entrenched enough to move to the next stage of reform for both moral and political reasons.

Granted, the fabulous standardized test scores of those high - performing charter networks who take on this special ed challenge may not be as uniformly high - at least in the short term, but when one in every twenty public school students now attends a charter, the movement is mature and entrenched enough to move to the next stage of reform for both moral and political reasons.

Their reasons are as varied as the families who choose home schooling — from reinforcing religious and moral instruction to dissatisfaction with public school climate and academics to addressing special needs or mental health concerns.

(I know, it's a very imperfect world, and my reasoning would radically reshape all public spending, because we have a moral obligation not to spend money on defense that would do more good if spent on child poverty.

[7] In the process, they lost some crucial elements of legal education that can not be taught in the class room; the role that personal and public values, moral reasoning, and self - reflection play in the application of law, interpersonal skills, and responsibility.