Sentences with phrase «public school segregation in»

This is a special series of reports on public school segregation in Eastern states.

Not exact matches

What constitutes legitimate protection of a child and what are the obligations of a family to protest against an injustice in school segregation, for example, and to open the way for better public education?

For an in - depth discussion of «voluntary» public school segregation and attempts to overcome it or reinforce it, listen to the This American Life podcast episodes on school segregation — «The Problem We All Live With» in two parts.

In our own land, the violent reactions evoked by the Supreme Court's decision of May 17, 1954, that segregation in the public schools is unconstitutional have revealed how deep are the differences that divide uIn our own land, the violent reactions evoked by the Supreme Court's decision of May 17, 1954, that segregation in the public schools is unconstitutional have revealed how deep are the differences that divide uin the public schools is unconstitutional have revealed how deep are the differences that divide us.

In 1965, he directed research for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights that revealed racial segregation and its effects on public school students in ClevelanIn 1965, he directed research for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights that revealed racial segregation and its effects on public school students in Clevelanin Cleveland.

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children.

New York City can do much more to address deep segregation in its public schools, such as using more magnet grants to attract a diverse group of parents to segregated schools or moving ahead with an admissions plan aimed at lowering segregation on the Lower East Side, according to a new report.

Two days after releasing his plan on how to promote diversity in the public school system, Mayor Bill de Blasio faced some tough questions Thursday on his approach to addressing racial segregation in the classroom.

At a time when the corporate education reformers like Governor Cuomo scapegoat teachers, underfund public schools, and push high - stakes testing linked to Common Core as way to justify the expansion of privately - managed charter schools, she has persistently brought forth real facts about how poverty, segregation, and inequitable school funding affect testing and achievement in public schools.

Sussman is a 1978 Honors Graduate of Harvard Law School and has been one of the Hudson Valley's most prominent civil rights and trial lawyers since the 1980's when, as lead counsel for the Yonkers Branch of the NAACP, he helped end racial segregation in the City of Yonkers public schools.

The public advocate also said she would hire a chief diversity officer for the Department of Education in order to address segregation in city public schools, which she said is more rampant now than it was in the 1960s and the 1970s.

Pavan Dhaliwal, BHA Head of Public Affairs, commented, «Barack Obama's groundbreaking comments on the issue of faith - based segregation in schools reveal two things.

Howie Hawkins, the Green Party candidate for governor, outlined his education platform last week, defining education as a basic human right and calling for an end to segregation in the public school system.

Mayor Bill de Blasio's plan for increasing school diversity, released on June 6, is a much - needed response to segregation in New York City public schools.

Polls have consistently revealed that the vast majority of the public — as many as 73 % — oppose religious selection of any kind in state - funded schools, and research has found time and time again that religiously selective schools worsen religious, ethnic, and socio - economic segregation in their local areas.

To better understand segregation's impact on student performance, FPG scientists looked at nearly 4000 first graders in public schools nationwide.

Even as a child, Rosa stands separate from her fellow African - Americans; instead of being shipped off to a shabby public school, she is enrolled in a private classroom run by Quakers, who encourage the girl to transcend the severe limitations of legalized segregation in her home state of Alabama.

U.S. Private Schools Increasingly Serve Affluent Families (Vox CEPR's Policy Portal) Richard Murnane discusses how fewer middle - class children are now enrolled in private schools and that an increase in residential segregation by income in the US means that urban public and urban private schools have less socioeconomic diversity than they had decadSchools Increasingly Serve Affluent Families (Vox CEPR's Policy Portal) Richard Murnane discusses how fewer middle - class children are now enrolled in private schools and that an increase in residential segregation by income in the US means that urban public and urban private schools have less socioeconomic diversity than they had decadschools and that an increase in residential segregation by income in the US means that urban public and urban private schools have less socioeconomic diversity than they had decadschools have less socioeconomic diversity than they had decades ago.

Based on a wealth of existing evidence, however, we are unable to share in the team's optimism that more complete data might show narrower differences in segregation between charter and traditional public schools.

While the national, state, and metro area analysis comprised the bulk of our report, we did, in fact, examine the segregation of students in charter and traditional public schools by geography — comparing students in these school sectors within cities, suburbs, and rural areas.

Our analysis presents a more accurate, but still imperfect, picture of the levels of racial segregation in the charter sector relative to the traditional public - school sector.

Murphy High, the school she attended in Mobile, was one of the first in Alabama to begin integrating black and white students in 1963, despite public protests by the state's then - governor, George Wallace, who famously said during his inaugural address that same year, «Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation foreSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation foresegregation tomorrow, segregation foresegregation forever.»

Charter critics point to reports showing differences in the demographic characteristics of charter school students and their counterparts in traditional public schools as evidence that choice leads to segregation.

Thus, even our analysis likely underestimates the true levels of racial segregation in the specific traditional public schools that charter students are leaving.

Employing this method, we could compare the levels of segregation for the students in charter schools to what they would have experienced had they remained in their residentially assigned public schools.

According to the brief, which was published last month, the level of racial segregation for black students in charter schools is higher than it is in public schools.

In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutionaIn 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutionain public schools unconstitutional.

New York State did not actively encourage racial segregation in the Yonkers public schools and therefore bears no financial responsibility for remedying the problem, a federal judge ruled last week.

It's here that the critics of single - sex education begin to sound like opponents of another kind of separation: the racial and economic segregation in American public schools documented by Savage Inequalities author Jonathan Kozol and others.

Again, comparing the segregation in charter schools in a state, which are concentrated in heavily minority central cities, to that in traditional public schools throughout the state, reveals nothing about the reality of racial segregation in charter schools.

In fact, in the vast majority of the 39 metro areas reviewed in the CRP report, the application of our central - city comparison decreases (relative to the flawed CRP analysis) the level of segregation in the charter sector as compared to the traditional public school sectoIn fact, in the vast majority of the 39 metro areas reviewed in the CRP report, the application of our central - city comparison decreases (relative to the flawed CRP analysis) the level of segregation in the charter sector as compared to the traditional public school sectoin the vast majority of the 39 metro areas reviewed in the CRP report, the application of our central - city comparison decreases (relative to the flawed CRP analysis) the level of segregation in the charter sector as compared to the traditional public school sectoin the CRP report, the application of our central - city comparison decreases (relative to the flawed CRP analysis) the level of segregation in the charter sector as compared to the traditional public school sectoin the charter sector as compared to the traditional public school sector.

Based on these comparisons, the authors conclude, incorrectly in our view, that charter schools experience severe levels of racial segregation compared to traditional public schools (TPS).

The decision was momentous for the opposite reason: it halted the startlingly short - lived national effort to desegregate public schools, heavily segregated by race because of widespread segregation in housing.

Our new findings demonstrate that, while segregation for blacks among all public schools has been increasing for nearly two decades, black students in charter schools are far more likely than their traditional public school counterparts to be educated in intensely segregated settings.

But any comparison of the demographics of students in charter and traditional public schools provides at best an incomplete picture of segregation because segregation resulting from school choice policies would occur primarily across schools, not within schools.

«My intense desire to see my school excel comes not only from an unwavering belief that all students deserve an excellent education, but also the unique role Sousa played in the civil rights movement,» said Kamras referring to a challenge to segregation at Sousa that culminated in Bolling v. Sharpe, the 1954 Supreme Court case that paved the way for the desegregation of all DC public schools.

Here is a sampling of events marking the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, the May 17, 1954, U.S. Supreme Court decision overturning racial segregation in public schools.

As Richard Kluger, author of Simple Justice, pointed out, «The Supreme Court had taken pains to limit the language of Brown to segregation in public schools only....

The Coleman Report focused on differences in schooling resources available to white and minority students and on the degree of racial segregation in America's public schools.

In many of the metropolitan areas containing at least 20 charter schools, minority segregation was higher in charter schools than in the metro's regular public schoolIn many of the metropolitan areas containing at least 20 charter schools, minority segregation was higher in charter schools than in the metro's regular public schoolin charter schools than in the metro's regular public schoolin the metro's regular public schools.

We did, in fact, examine the segregation of students in charter and traditional public schools by geography — comparing students in these school sectors within cities, suburbs, and rural areas.

The use of interdistrict - choice programs is unlikely to increase most students» educational opportunities significantly, a new report concludes, despite recent attention to the idea as a means of reducing economic and racial segregation and giving students in low - performing public schools a chance to find a better school.

In A Smarter Charter: Finding What Works for Charter Schools and Public Education, Richard D. Kahlenberg (author of the excellent Shanker biography Tough Liberal) and his Century Foundation colleague Halley Potter (a former teacher at Two Rivers Public Charter School in D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointinIn A Smarter Charter: Finding What Works for Charter Schools and Public Education, Richard D. Kahlenberg (author of the excellent Shanker biography Tough Liberal) and his Century Foundation colleague Halley Potter (a former teacher at Two Rivers Public Charter School in D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointinin D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointing.

At least since the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, this has been interpreted to give the federal government the power to intervene in cases of legally sanctioned discrimination, like the segregation of public schools across the country; to mandate equal access to education for students with disabilities; and, according to some arguments, to correct for persistently unequal access to resources across states and districts of different income levels.

Ritter continues, «Instead of asking whether all students in charter schools are more likely to attend segregated schools than are all students in traditional public schools, we should be comparing the levels of segregation for the students in charter schools to what they would have experienced had they remained in their residentially assigned public schools.»

Today, students from every definable race and ethnic category study and squirm shoulder to shoulder in the same public school classrooms, learning about something called segregation — as a vocabulary word on a pop quiz, a chapter in their history textbooks, or a topic for the debate team.

Ritter finds that «when examined more appropriately, the data actually reveal small differences in the level of overall segregation between the charter school sector and the traditional public - school sector.»

It comes at a time when the nation is commemorating the 50th anniversary of the decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, which overturned laws enacting racial segregation in public schools.

My stay was brief because the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown — and the companion decision in Bolling v. Sharpe, which applied to D.C. — outlawed public - school segregation in the nation's capital and across the country in May 1954.

In contrast to the ostensibly integrated schools north of the Mason - Dixon line, the city's public schools were rigidly segregated until the celebrated Brown v. Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court in 1954, which declared school segregation unconstitutionaIn contrast to the ostensibly integrated schools north of the Mason - Dixon line, the city's public schools were rigidly segregated until the celebrated Brown v. Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court in 1954, which declared school segregation unconstitutionain 1954, which declared school segregation unconstitutional.