Sentences with phrase «put more labour»

Not exact matches

Businesses large and small have been making the case that they can't afford paying more for labour going back to when laws were first proposed to curb the use of seven year - olds in coal mines or put an end to 16 - hour workdays.

«Putting progressive elements into trade deals — labour protections, environmental protections — actually helps us make the case for trade and reassure people that the benefits of trade will be distributed more fairly and not just to the small number of people who've always benefited from it in the past.»

Staying on hold would also signal that the Bank trusts the Labour Force Survey more than most people, and puts a higher weighting on labour market than productionLabour Force Survey more than most people, and puts a higher weighting on labour market than productionlabour market than production data.

To further contextualize Canada's serious issue with its productivity growth, a report put out by the Council of Canadian Academies states that since 1984, the relative labour productivity in the Canadian business sector dropped from more than 90 % of the US level to 76 % in 2007, putting the country 15th out of 18 comparative Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries.

Even before the rush to print since the general election, several New Labour leaders had put out their versions, but they have been overshadowed by the more recent tomes - notably Tony Blair's A Journey and Peter Mandelson's The Third Man.

«Many quiet, moderate members don't attend meetings at the best of times and are even more put off in the current climate,» a Labour MP told the New Statesman.

Labour have only been out of power for two years, having left Britain with the biggest deficit in the OECD, and yet YouGov polling throughout the early half of May 2012 have put Labour between nine and thirteen points ahead of the Conservatives, giving Labour a more than comfortable majority at the next General Election.

Jeremy Corbyn and Alan Johnson put on a united front as they sat next to each other on Labour's pro-EU battle bus, which is set to visit more than 100 towns and cities across the UK.

Why don't Labour put a picture of Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling on their posters, with the subtitle «Consider if you really want five more years of these two men running the economy.»

There are now around 325,000 members, more than the Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties put together, and more than Labour has had since 1999, when Blair was still an asset.

The left should get over its fixation on high taxation of labour income and put more emphasis on taxing unearned wealth and environmental bads.

Five years ago, Welsh Labour did very well in the Welsh local elections, increasing the number of council seats they held by around 70 %; by the end of that night they had substantially more councillor in Wales than did the Conservatives, Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrats put together.

For all these reasons, I think AV is actually a very good voting system and I would put the referendum result down to several things — an ineffective Yes campaign (if you typed AV into Google, they didn't even come up on the first page of results), lies and smears spread by the No campaign, the association with Nick Clegg, the split in Labour over AV and finally, and not insignificantly, the fact that the Electoral Commission sent leaflets to every household containing an overly complex explanation that made AV look more complex than the insides of a nuclear reactor.

As a Conservative party spokesman for the whole of the north - east put it to politics.co.uk earlier this month: «The most common theme we are hearing on the doorstep is that people feel that they have been taken for granted by Gordon Brown and Labour and they do not want more of the same.»

Another way of putting it is that Lib Dem MPs are more likely to hold on to their seats — other things being equal — than the Tories or Labour.

More than three quarters of all voters, including a clear majority of those who intend to vote Labour on Thursday, think the last Labour government «must accept a large part of the blame» for Britain's economic problems; Mr Miliband is unlikely to succeed in his campaign to persuade the electorate that this idea is a «big lie» put about by the coalition.

«There was a strong consensus from the Meeting that it would be better to take some of the heat out of this public debate; this would entail taking forward a calmer internal party review of funding which would be more comprehensive and balanced (including importantly, addressing the Conservative multi-million pound donations at and between elections) and putting that forward as part of Labour's manifesto offer for party funding reforms.»

The «blue Labour» thinkers who have long recognised the threat Ukip posits to white working - class support will want a more socially conservative stance, particularly on immigration and Europe, but adopting such a position could put at risk the gains Labour have made with its «London core».

It is not just a fight, as the Guardian's Gary Younge put it, «as a battle for the soul of the Labour party», but more a fight as to «a battle to see whether Labour should have a soul at all.»

It will also put further pressure on Labour over the West Lothian question and give succour to those like Boris Johnson calling for more powers for London.

And in an age when we're asking people to put up with tax rises and spending cuts to pay for Labour's Debt Crisis we can use technology to give people even more power - through transparency.

As Rick Muir, whose research at the IPPR think - tank has closely influenced Labour's policy development, puts it: «Instead of these budgets being salami - sliced at the centre, you pool the budget down to the local level and then they can make more rational sense of it.»

Going back to ComRes, the fact that putting the question from a Conservative angle (the Conservatives will spend less and not increases taxes) and a Labour angle (Labour will spend more, but will increase taxes) results in almost identical answers would be fascinating... if the questions were put independently to different people using a split sample.

Opinion - formers, those who take their politics more seriously, will not buy that Miliband is suddenly the high priest of a broad church, any more than they think putting the economy at the centre of the manifesto will make them buy the idea that Labour is now serious about fiscal probity.

I don't put much store in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower than Labour got in the 2005 General Election and all it would suggest is that the Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused in an area that they could actually end up with more seats, where the switches in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result in them getting fewer seats than Labour or in extremis winning a 150 seat majority or so?

«such as the 53 % who voted Labour or Lib Dem, and the nearly 2/3 who voted against the Tories» I'm fed up with reading this rubbish Put the Conservative and Lib Dem vote together than you have more... that means more of a country representation.

After weeks of polling putting it neck - and - neck with Labour, the incumbents have secured 331 seats in the House of Commons — a comfortable majority and many more than Labour's 232 seats.

Labour today announces a plan to make Britain's communities safer, by putting thousands more frontline staff into critical public services, including police, fire, prison, intelligence and border agencies.

«Put it like this: I think it's good that there have been occasions in the recent past where Labour has been much more assertive in opposition,» he replies, pointing to Leveson and Barclays as examples.

Jeremy Corbyn has won the Labour leadership election by a landslide, easily taking more than the other three candidates put together.

If we can show people that the tax rate ultimately means they end up paying more, we can put Labour on the wrong side of the debate; ideologically pursuing class warfare despite the damage it does to the economy.

The Observer this morning reported that Mr Benn had been calling other members of the Shadow Cabinet to coordinate putting more pressure on the Labour leader.

It's more that Labour is seen as the party that increases spending as the solution to whatever problem is put in front of it.

And Labour has a distinctive approach to deficit reduction and fiscal responsibility in which our values and priorities shine through: — timely and targeted action to secure the jobs and growth we need to get the deficit falling — different choices within tight fiscal constraints, that put fairness and prosperity first — and reform of the British economy, with more reliable revenues and a redefined role for Government.

But speaking to Total Politics last year, the former Labour MP and celebrated diarist Chris Mullin was more sceptical about whether Brown should put pen to paper.

He or she could easily galvanise the same coalition that Corbyn did, and those activists would be more than happy to put Labour's failures these last two years down to Corbyn the man, despite his apologists now.

«Switchers to the Tories were more likely than Defectors as a whole to say they had been put off by the impression that Labour were not ready to form a competent government.

As power becomes more consolidated in the Labour party and Brexit approaches ever faster, an antsy, empowered membership might just remind their leaders who put them there.

«It's long overdue, we are the party of equality We've got more Labour MPs than all the other parties put together and we've just got to do it.

In the week when Labour's Liam Byrne launched his «Welfare Reform», barely distinguishable from the Tories; when Twigg set about education in a similar vein, and when Diane Abbott's loose but innocuous tweet was met by Labour with cringing apologies instead of forthright anti-racist defence, Leanne could have made more of the opportunity to put Plaid firmly at the forefront of the growing numbers that want to see politicians stand up to all this Tory tosh, lead the fight for jobs and against the cuts.

A senior Labour figure puts it even more bluntly: «The party's gone mad.»

Labour is promising to put 10,000 more police on the streets of England and Wales if it wins the election, to be paid for by reversing Conservative plans in the 2016 Budget for capital gains tax cuts.

And now, we hear that another Labour moderate who represents no one at all, is going to put his name forward as well, which makes Corby's re-election even more of a certainty.

Dromey told fringe after fringe that Labour would put housing centre stage of its campaign ahead of the 2015 election, and that we'd hear more about this from Miliband in his leader's speech.

In this view, Humpty - Dumpty can not be put together again: the deep fracturing of New Labour's electoral coalition demands a more fundamental reappraisal.

In his final party conference speech before the general election, the Labour leader put the NHS at the heart of his pitch, pledging a fund to pay for tens of thousands more doctors, nurses and midwives.

Paul Mason and Chuka Umunna would normally be expected to come up with radically different proposals with regard to Labour's policies, yet they are putting forward more or less the same solutions to the most pressing problem underlying Brexit, that of Free Movement of Labour (FML), Mason in an article in the New Statesman, Umunna in -LSB-...]

Putting all these factors, and some smaller ones, together John Curtice estimated in 2011 that the Conservatives would need a lead of more than 11 points on current boundaries to win a majority, while Labour could secure one with a lead of just three points.

As well as being the right thing to do for the deficit reduction agenda, the party politicos will be very pleased it puts Labour under more pressure in the run - up to 2015.

When I persuaded the last Labour government to put # 5 billion into building Crossrail, ministers knew that the growth generated by the project would give them between # 10 billion and # 15 billion more in tax.